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Discovering biblical women in early modern literary culture, 1550–1700
Victoria Brownlee and Laura Gallagher

). Thus, Mary’s virginity might be reminiscent of England’s Virgin Queen Elizabeth; praise of her might, as Thomas Rist’s essay ( Chapter 10 ) discusses, slide into admiration of Henrietta Maria, and consideration of her could, as Laura Gallagher’s essay ( Chapter 11 ) suggests, provide a tool for meditation and affective piety. These alternative determinations of Mary’s relevance are bound up with

in Biblical women in early modern literary culture 1550–1700
Damian Walford Davies

also skipped in the Hanoverian succession, disclosing official history too as a forgery. It opened up new lines of flight, as Mary became a feminist icon, inflecting texts like Wollstonecraft’s The Wrongs of Woman; or, Maria (1798), where Maria is saved and maybe betrayed by ‘Darnford’, a version of Mary’s second husband, Lord Darnley. If in these afterlives Mary figures the trap of sensibility, the contrast between the Virgin Queen and her sexually prolific rival also unbinds desire to find other routes around the very dead-ends of feminist history, possibilities

in Counterfactual Romanticism
Andrew McRae and John West

’s death. This occurred in 1702. Childless herself, despite numerous pregnancies and a son who died aged eleven in 1700, Anne was likely even from the outset of her reign to be the last Stuart monarch. Her death in 1714 marked the end of the Stuart dynasty. Although royal power lay (with the exception of William and Mary) in the hands of one person, family was crucial to the Stuarts. One of the key attractions of James to the English, after they had lived through decades of uncertainty on the question of who would succeed the Virgin Queen, was that he brought with him

in Literature of the Stuart successions
Susan Frye

especially cautious about how they represented themselves as ruling women because they had the most to lose. Elizabeth’s rule as queen of England rested in a parliamentary bill that had defined her sister Mary I as possessing a sovereignty interchangeable with that of the male kings from whom it derived.14 Although her legal status as sovereign was established, Elizabeth knew she must approach representing her physical chastity as queen cautiously. Elizabeth’s self-representation as the virgin queen was lodged in that caution, even as she fought a life-long battle to

in Bess of Hardwick
Purification, candles, and the Inviolata as music for churching
Jane D. Hatter

candle to the priest like the other women. She therefore wound up in a physical struggle with a messenger sent by the virgin queen to retrieve the candle until it broke into two pieces. She awoke abruptly holding the broken candle from her vision, which she saved as a relic, later finding that it had healing powers. 23 The second miracle story tells how a pregnant woman who had

in Conversions
The Gothic legacy of Shakespeare’s Wars of the Roses
Elisabeth Bronfen and Beate Neumeier

, while Elizabeth I was brought to the silver screen by both Flora Robson and Bette Davis. As Hollywood returned to the royal epic genre in the 1950s and early 1960s, it brought back some of its previous stars, with Bette Davis once more impersonating the old Virgin Queen while Jean Simmons gave her face to the young Bess. The most iconic revival of queenship on the screen

in Gothic Renaissance
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Alexander Samson

-religious women. Mary, more than Elizabeth, can be rightly celebrated for her chastity and virginity, qualities highly prized in women in the era. A whiff of scandal surrounded Elizabeth on more than one occasion. It is clear the moniker acquired in her later years, the Virgin Queen, would have appeared risible in the 1550s. As Paulina Kewes has shown, there were many continuities between the reigns of the Tudor half-sisters,45 not least in their struggles to find an iconography of female power to legitimate their rule. The very different expectations in England and Spain of

in Mary and Philip
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Tim Thornton and Katharine Carlton

’s mistress 35 Paul E. J. Hammer, ‘Sex and the Virgin Queen: Aristocratic Concupiscence and the Court of Elizabeth I’, Sixteenth Century Journal, 31 (2000), 77–97; Rickman, Love, Lust, and License. 36 The Courts of the Archdeaconry of Buckingham 1483–1523, ed. E. M. Elvey, Buckinghamshire Record Society, 19 (1975), no. 94; noted by Ingram, Carnal Knowledge, pp. 105–6. 37 Polydore Vergil, Anglica Historia, ed. Denys Hay, Camden Society, 3rd ser., 74 (1950), p. 198; S. J. Gunn ‘The Courtiers of Henry VII’, EHR, 108 (1993), 23–49, at p. 37; C. S. L. Davies, ‘Richard III

in The gentleman’s mistress
Open Access (free)
Mandy Merck

machinations of little-known parliamentarians. 8 But the family values espoused in the Victorian canon are a world away from the themes explored in films portraying her greatest screen rival, Elizabeth I. Unencumbered by the reserved image of an English gentlewoman, the Virgin Queen enters the cinema as the diva of royal representation – magnificent, passionate, singular. Fittingly, her most notable early film

in The British monarchy on screen
Open Access (free)
Sarah Bernhardt, Queen Elizabeth and the development of motion pictures
Victoria Duckett

. Visually, the mise-en-scène is almost identical to Delaroche. Details are true, too, to recorded history: we know, for instance, that ermine was long an emblem of chastity and thus considered appropriate to the depiction of the Virgin Queen. We know that Elizabeth was painted with an ermine on her arm in 1585 (the ‘Ermine’ portrait, attributed to William Segar). We also know that during her final hours

in The British monarchy on screen