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Understanding changes in the legal landscape of sexual harassment in India
Rukmini Sen

Saksham report pointed to what is desirable for committees to do, the LoSHA moment alerted us to the impossibilities of doing so, and V.Geetha guided us towards introspection on how hierarchies are constituted. The Saksham report made a significant, separate assertion about research scholars: ‘Given the singular power that such faculty can have over the future of such students, an ethics of supervision that prevents the abuse of power through sexual harassment is required’ (UCG, 2013 : 5, emphasis in original). This is

in Intimacy and injury
Abstract only
Shane Kilcommins, Susan Leahy, Kathleen Moore Walsh, and Eimear Spain

that never fully captures all of the relevant exigencies. Nevertheless, and despite these shortcomings, increasing juridification of the crime conflict is helping to overcome the previous ambivalence towards victims of crime. Juridification of this kind has also been scaffolded by a number of international legal instruments which have also promoted recognition of the needs of victims within criminal justice systems. The United Nations General Assembly, for example, adopted the Declaration of Basic Principles of Justice for Victims of Crime and Abuse of Power in

in The victim in the Irish criminal process
Diana Cullell

anthology, El sindicato del crimen: antología de la poesía dominante (Rabanera 1994), behind whose pseudonym was the experiential poet Felipe Benítez Reyes. The anthology, which brought together 49 poets pertaining to la experiencia, included an extremely ironic and self-deprecatory prologue, which made fun of all the accusations of dominance, abuse of power and ­compliance with ­political 20 Cullell_ContempPoetry_01_Intro.indd 20 30/04/2014 15:59

in Spanish contemporary poetry
Jonathan Chatwin

’s death in 1953, the country’s new leader Nikita Khrushchev had set about dismantling his predecessor’s reputation, exposing his brutality and abuse of power. If this could happen in the Soviet Union, why not in China? The Cultural Revolution was Mao’s response to this perceived threat to his authority and his legacy. The Chairman argued that in order to counter the possibility of any deviation from the journey towards true socialism – a course to be piloted by the Great Helmsman alone – a programme reforming the thinking of the masses

in Long Peace Street
David Downes

imprisonment, are counterproductive. In the latter, the offender comes to see himself or herself as the real victim, and utilises endless mind games by way of denial and neutralisation of guilt to ward off any insight into their own offending behaviour. Only by a process of mediation, in which offenders and victims meet to thrash out the abuse of power implicit in the offence, and evolve appropriate forms of reparation, can this construction of the offender as victim be confronted and at least partially resolved. There are certain self-limiting features to restorative

in Incarceration and human rights
Robert Giddings

dies in his stead at the guillotine. He goes to his death with the words, ‘It is a far, far better thing that I do, than I have ever done; it is a far, far better rest that I go to than I have ever known.’ The novel leaves a major impression of an elemental sweep of mob violence. Despite the passages inserted about the abuse of power by the aristocracy to justify the rising of the French people

in British cinema of the 1950s
Riots and extraparliamentary participation
Matt Qvortrup

). Explanations of political dissent have always interested social theorists and scientists. According to Aristotle, the principal reason for political dissent was an aspiration to equality, whether political or economic. Much later, Nicolló Machiavelli had a stab at an explanation in Discorsi, in which he concluded, on the basis of historical research, that abuse of power would [e]xcite in the hearts of the powerless the desire to have power, either in order to take their revenge on their enemies by taking what they have from them, or in order to acquire for themselves that

in The politics of participation
Abstract only
Alison Phipps

our politics. We would need to let our ideas and actions be led by more marginalised people. We would need to work against how racial capitalism divides and stratifies us for profit. Sexual violence is a pivot for the intersecting sys­ tems of heteropatriarchy, racial capitalism and colonialism. And politically white feminism, whether mainstream or reactionary, fails to interrogate two of the three. It is complicit with the racial capitalism, and its colonial and neo-colonial expansion, which frames violent and sexually violent abuses of power. Instead of

in Me, not you
Robert J. McKeever

Americans, however, probably the most valued role performed by the Supreme Court is that of defender of civil liberties against majoritarian or governmental power. American political culture places a high value upon individual liberty and freedom from governmental interference. And inasmuch as the Supreme Court is identified as the last line of defence against oppressive officialdom and abuse of power, it is held to be an indispensable feature of the American political system. There are numerous celebrated cases in which the Court has played this role. Perhaps most

in The United States Supreme Court
James L. Newell

due process, i.e. it is limited in its scope. It follows, therefore, for Markovits and Silverstein, that ‘at the core of each scandal [is] the quest for political power at the expense of due process and procedure.’ (1988: 7). This also means that scandals are political only when they involve an abuse of power at the cost of due process, which means that some, e.g., sex or financial scandals may not in fact be political scandals even if politicians are involved in them. An alternative and broader approach is provided by Thompson (2000), who argues that a scandal is

in Corruption in contemporary politics