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Neil Younger

, broadly speaking, unappealing both to the gentry who had to do it and to the wider county community who had to play their parts. It was troublesome and involved a great deal of often dull work; it produced no tangible benefit to the community; and it was expensive. It did not fall into that category of the work of local government which arose organically from society, such as maintaining local order, enforcing the law, or relieving poverty or hunger. Instead it was imposed from above, and there can be little doubt that, all things being equal, local communities would

in War and politics in the Elizabethan counties
Anthony Musson

–4. 54 J. R. Maddicott, ‘The county community and the making of public opinion in fourteenth-century England’, TRHS , 5th series, 18 (1978), p. 32; Doig, ‘Royal proclamations’, pp. 259–60. 55 Gransden, Historical Writing , p. 28

in Medieval law in context
Dividing the Crown in early colonial New South Wales, 1808–10
Bruce Baskerville

, 1660–1750 (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1952); Jacqueline Eales and Andrew Hopper, The County Community in Seventeenth-Century England and Wales (Hatfield: University of Hertforshire Press, 2012). 28 The ancient group includes the seals of West Florida (1764), Island of St John (later Prince Edward Island

in Crowns and colonies
Rosemary Sweet

localities, was primarily an enabling one. Parliament was expected to delegate powers necessary to achieve specific aims within a locally defined area; it was expected to bestow legitimacy and authority upon the exercise of power to groups of individuals chosen by the urban or county communities rather than those appointed by a national executive; it sanctioned the levying of local taxation for locally specific aims. Those in positions of authority and influence in the regions therefore acquired a wider range of powers and responsibilities, and developed a wider sense of

in Parliaments, nations and identities in Britain and Ireland, 1660–1850
Central initiatives and local agency in the English civil war
Ann Hughes

Workshop Journal, 61 (2006), 192–204. Peacey, ‘Politics, accounts and propaganda’, pp. 71–2. Jeake quoted in Anthony Fletcher, A County Community in Peace and War: Sussex 1600–1660 (London, 1975), p. 336; TNA, SP 28/252/34–5 General Accounts Committee, Letter and Warrant Book; also in SP 28/254, fo. 15. Hughes, Politics, Society and Civil War, pp. 249–51. TNA, SP 28/201. TNA, SP 28/186, Part three; Hughes, Politics, Society and Civil War, pp. 243–6; SP 28/136. Many working papers for the alphabet books are in SP 28/201. TNA, SP 28/38/607. 131 KYLE 9781526147158 PRINT

in Connecting centre and locality
Abstract only
Tim Thornton and Katharine Carlton

–1640 (Hassocks: Harvester Press, 1977), esp. pp. 118–32. J. S. Morrill, The Revolt of the Provinces: Conservatives and Radicals in the English Civil War, 1630–1650 (London, New York: Allen and Unwin; Barnes & Noble, 1976), esp. pp. 19–51; Anthony Fletcher, Reform in the Provinces:The Government of Stuart England (New Haven CT, London: Yale University Press, 1986), e.g. p. 368: ‘Localism … mastered and subsumed by the country gentry for the purposes of government’. 41 Michael J. Bennett, ‘A County Community: Social Cohesion amongst the Cheshire Gentry, 1400–25’, Northern

in The gentleman’s mistress
Hannah Worthen

, 2000), p. 5. 8 A. Hughes, Politics, Society and Civil War in Warwickshire, 1620–1660 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1987), p. xi. 9 C. Holmes, ‘The county community in Stuart historiography’, Journal of British Studies, 19:2 (1980), 55. 10 G. L. Hudson, ‘Negotiating for blood money: war widows and the courts in seventeenth-century England’, in J. Kermode and G. Walker (eds), Women, Crime and the Courts in Early Modern England (London: University College, 1994), pp. 146–69. 11 Ibid., p. 162. 12 D. J. Appleby, ‘Unnecessary persons? Maimed soldiers

in Battle-scarred
Abstract only
Wandering soldiers and the negotiation of parliamentary authority, 1642–51
David J. Appleby

Association in the English Civil War (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1974), pp.  39, 168, 169; A. Fletcher, A County Community in Peace and War: Sussex, 1600–1660 (London: Longman, 1975), pp.  341–2; M.  Kishlansky, The Rise of the New Model Army (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1979), pp.  241, 244–5, 247, 249; C. Carlton, Going to the Wars: The Experience of the British Civil Wars (London: Routledge, 1992), pp. 196, 225, 235. 4 R. Bennett, ‘War and disorder: policing the soldiery in Civil War Yorkshire’, in Fissel (ed.), War and Government in Britain, pp

in Battle-scarred
Brian Hanley

as British and they are as mystified by, and alienated from, the Northern Protestant as the Southern papist is.148 Others have argued that even in the border countiescommunity relationships remained strong (and) sectarianism was never allowed to take root’.149 Evidence suggests that the reality was far more complicated. In fact, the eruption of violence after 1969 saw the re-emergence of old suspicions and resentments which produced fear and occasionally violence. Though expression of such prejudices was widely condemned, they were reminders of an element in

in The impact of the Troubles on the Republic of Ireland, 1968–79
Abstract only
Religion and politics in the progress of 1578
Patrick Collinson

decisive. 17 For the background, and much of the content, of what follows, see Diarmaid MacCulloch, ‘Catholic and Puritan in Elizabethan Suffolk: a county community polarises’, Archiv für Reformationsgeschichte, 72 (1981): 232–89; MacCulloch, Suffolk and the Tudors; A. Hassell Smith, County and Court: Government and politics in Norfolk 1558– 1603 (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1974). 18 Quoted (from Inner Temple Library, MS. Petyt 538/47, fo. 494) in Patrick Collinson, ‘Perne the Turncoat: an Elizabethan reputation’, in Collinson, Elizabethan Essays (London: Hambledon, 1994

in This England