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this picture warrants a certain amount of revision). The commission was responsible for local order and low-level judicial work. Tudor councils and parliaments piled ever more responsibilities onto the commission, both as a body and as a collection of individual justices of the peace (JPs).101 Indeed, some historians have seen the commissions of the peace as the authentic voices of the counties and an expression of the ‘county communities’, almost parliaments of the semi-autonomous statelets seen by Everitt, for example, to constitute early modern England.102 Yet the
, broadly speaking, unappealing both to the gentry who had to do it and to the wider county community who had to play their parts. It was troublesome and involved a great deal of often dull work; it produced no tangible benefit to the community; and it was expensive. It did not fall into that category of the work of local government which arose organically from society, such as maintaining local order, enforcing the law, or relieving poverty or hunger. Instead it was imposed from above, and there can be little doubt that, all things being equal, local communities would
, 1660–1750 (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1952); Jacqueline Eales and Andrew Hopper, The County Community in Seventeenth-Century England and Wales (Hatfield: University of Hertforshire Press, 2012). 28 The ancient group includes the seals of West Florida (1764), Island of St John (later Prince Edward Island
decisive. 17 For the background, and much of the content, of what follows, see Diarmaid MacCulloch, ‘Catholic and Puritan in Elizabethan Suffolk: a county community polarises’, Archiv für Reformationsgeschichte, 72 (1981): 232–89; MacCulloch, Suffolk and the Tudors; A. Hassell Smith, County and Court: Government and politics in Norfolk 1558– 1603 (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1974). 18 Quoted (from Inner Temple Library, MS. Petyt 538/47, fo. 494) in Patrick Collinson, ‘Perne the Turncoat: an Elizabethan reputation’, in Collinson, Elizabethan Essays (London: Hambledon, 1994
–3. 55 Roger Manning, Village Revolts: Social Protests and Popular Disturbances in England, 1509–1640 (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1988), pp. 237–8. 56 John Bossy, The English Catholic Community, 1570–1850 (London: Darton, Longman and Todd, 1975), pp. 37–8. 57 Kaushik, ‘Resistance, loyalty and recusant politics’, pp. 37–72. 58 Anne Hughes, ‘Warwickshire on the eve of the Civil War: a “county community”?’, Midland History 7 (1982), p. 51. 59 For a recent
localities, was primarily an enabling one. Parliament was expected to delegate powers necessary to achieve specific aims within a locally defined area; it was expected to bestow legitimacy and authority upon the exercise of power to groups of individuals chosen by the urban or county communities rather than those appointed by a national executive; it sanctioned the levying of local taxation for locally specific aims. Those in positions of authority and influence in the regions therefore acquired a wider range of powers and responsibilities, and developed a wider sense of
Workshop Journal, 61 (2006), 192–204. Peacey, ‘Politics, accounts and propaganda’, pp. 71–2. Jeake quoted in Anthony Fletcher, A County Community in Peace and War: Sussex 1600–1660 (London, 1975), p. 336; TNA, SP 28/252/34–5 General Accounts Committee, Letter and Warrant Book; also in SP 28/254, fo. 15. Hughes, Politics, Society and Civil War, pp. 249–51. TNA, SP 28/201. TNA, SP 28/186, Part three; Hughes, Politics, Society and Civil War, pp. 243–6; SP 28/136. Many working papers for the alphabet books are in SP 28/201. TNA, SP 28/38/607. 131 KYLE 9781526147158 PRINT
–1640 (Hassocks: Harvester Press, 1977), esp. pp. 118–32. J. S. Morrill, The Revolt of the Provinces: Conservatives and Radicals in the English Civil War, 1630–1650 (London, New York: Allen and Unwin; Barnes & Noble, 1976), esp. pp. 19–51; Anthony Fletcher, Reform in the Provinces:The Government of Stuart England (New Haven CT, London: Yale University Press, 1986), e.g. p. 368: ‘Localism … mastered and subsumed by the country gentry for the purposes of government’. 41 Michael J. Bennett, ‘A County Community: Social Cohesion amongst the Cheshire Gentry, 1400–25’, Northern
, 2000), p. 5. 8 A. Hughes, Politics, Society and Civil War in Warwickshire, 1620–1660 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1987), p. xi. 9 C. Holmes, ‘The county community in Stuart historiography’, Journal of British Studies, 19:2 (1980), 55. 10 G. L. Hudson, ‘Negotiating for blood money: war widows and the courts in seventeenth-century England’, in J. Kermode and G. Walker (eds), Women, Crime and the Courts in Early Modern England (London: University College, 1994), pp. 146–69. 11 Ibid., p. 162. 12 D. J. Appleby, ‘Unnecessary persons? Maimed soldiers
Association in the English Civil War (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1974), pp. 39, 168, 169; A. Fletcher, A County Community in Peace and War: Sussex, 1600–1660 (London: Longman, 1975), pp. 341–2; M. Kishlansky, The Rise of the New Model Army (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1979), pp. 241, 244–5, 247, 249; C. Carlton, Going to the Wars: The Experience of the British Civil Wars (London: Routledge, 1992), pp. 196, 225, 235. 4 R. Bennett, ‘War and disorder: policing the soldiery in Civil War Yorkshire’, in Fissel (ed.), War and Government in Britain, pp