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Alison Phipps

those whose bodies are automatically sexualised – people marginalised by race and/ or sexuality, people who sell sex – may be at risk if mainstream feminist activism crosses into, or feeds, moral panic. ‘Taking back control’ – the white will to power The structural power of whiteness creates a sense of victimhood when entitlements and powers are threatened, as seen in backlash and ethno-nationalist forms of white politics. White victimhood also produces the desire to ‘take back control’ – a slogan that has been at the forefront of far-right politics in many different

in Me, not you
Alison Phipps

­entitlements, or who feel ‘left behind’ and are ­blaming the wrong people. This is the anger of white men, and some white women too. Far-right politics shows us what happens when anger is produced by – and ­channelled through – class and race supremacy. 111 PHIPPS 9781526147172 PRINT.indd 111 14/01/2020 13:18 Me, not you And this is also relevant to white women’s anger about sexual violence. Public expressions of feminist anger, such as the Women’s March, are undeniably bourgeois and white. So are the majority of feminist investments in the outrage economy of the media

in Me, not you
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Nostalgic time and the revolt against mourning
Peter Mitchell

, the fetishisation of its relics, the sense that it is immanent in the present and capable of realisation through some purgative act of violence – accounts for a sizable chunk of the source code of far right politics. Moreover, specifically imperial nostalgia is useful as a weapon of opportunity against both the antiracism of the left and the official multicultural discourses of

in Imperial nostalgia
Ancoats and the ongoing housing question
Nigel de Noronha and Jonathan Silver

earlier slum clearance programmes were not maintained, signalling the beginning of a period of neglect and decline. In the 1979 election campaign, the Conservatives adopted the racist, anti-migrant rhetoric of the far-right political party the National Front, and in 1981 they introduced the British Nationality Act which removed the right of children born in the UK to automatic citizenship from its enactment in 1984 (Sivanandan, 1992 ). In 1981, race riots focused government action on structural inequalities facing black communities (Scarman, 1983

in How the other half lives
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Class, locality and British punk
Matthew Worley

and recognition of the culture’s origins were set against ‘tatty’ flying jackets, glue-sniffing and far-right politics.46 Bushell, too, had begun to lose heart by late 1982, writing a provocative article for Sounds that suggested punk had become formulaic, ghettoised and fatalistic, losing its way to the libertarian sensibilities of anarchists like Crass that he felt ignored the ‘class realities of contemporary British society’.47 Thereafter, he continued to support bands fuelled by the same sense of working-class anger that he had first recognised in punk, be it

in Fight back
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Stanley R. Sloan

to hijack support from PRRs. The best example of successful co-optation is found in The Netherlands, where incumbent prime minister Mark Rutte tried to limit the advance of Geert Wilders by adopting his own populist rhetoric. Co-optation possesses significant risk, however. There are more examples of countries where the mainstream willingly adopted far-right politics– Hungary, Poland, Czech Republic, Switzerland – than there are start-up success stories. The United States can also be understood as a failed co-optation attempt. The Republican Party granted a

in Transatlantic traumas
Mariela Breen-Smyth

connections, even though far-right politics possess all these features. The suggestion of mental illness portrays the (white) ‘lone wolf’ as sick – mad, rather than bad, more in need of help than punishment, more to be pitied than blamed, considerations rarely available to ‘others’. Race and the labelling of terrorism According to Amal Abu-Bakare (2017) : [T]he alleged unwillingness by state actors and media to unequivocally label a phenotypically white person as a ‘terrorist’ is historically connected to the global institutionalisation of white privilege

in Encountering extremism
Thomas Linehan

this fanatically Christian outlook, according to Colin Holmes, ‘that its anti-semitism should be considered’. 84 However, even in the more heavily charged atmosphere of 1930s far-right politics, with the air thick with pro-Nazism and ideologically driven anti-semitism, it was not a uniform picture. The United Empire Fascist Party, one of the more ephemeral of the 1930s groups, which shortly after its formation in December 1933 became the United British Party, repudiated anti-semitism. In the UBP’s programme, for example, it declared its intention to support the

in British Fascism 1918-39
Incipient fascism?
Thomas Linehan

eccentricity of their views and by the secrecy under which they operated’. 85 An earlier historian of the Britons, Gisela Lebzelter, took a similar line. For Lebzelter, the Britons Society was more of an elite club than a political party with ambitions to build a mass base. 86 She suggested that its failure to make a greater impact was due to ongoing financial difficulties and the absence of an able leadership. 87 These dismissive appraisals do not mean, however, that the Britons Society had little significance for far-right politics during the interwar years. Lebzelter

in British Fascism 1918-39
Selina Todd

Lees and Hughes as they wrote, produced and sought to perform their new play, Thai Brides and Teacakes. This production addressed the impact of immigration and the threat of far-right political activism in north Manchester. Lees and Hughes were ambitious for the production, and hoped that my involvement would help them to forge stronger links with the city’s universities, which they saw as important given Manchester City Council’s commitment to establishing an ‘educational corridor’ along Oxford Road – the major thoroughfare that connects the universities to the city

in Culture in Manchester