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Abstract only
Steven Kettell

bombing operations in retaliation for Libyan involvement in terrorism.6 Transatlantic relations in the post-Reagan era, on the other hand, were discernibly less buoyant. Notwithstanding the obvious continuance of military cooperation, most notably with Britain’s involvement in the first Gulf war, the personal links between Margaret Thatcher and the new US President, George Bush Senior, were palpably cooler. At the same time, the fall of the Berlin Wall and the demise of Soviet-style Communism during the early 1990s ushered in an era of global uncertainty, accompanied 11

in New Labour and the new world order
Brave new world or plus ça change?
Tim Markham

seen as sui generis but rather as continuous with society and politics. For assessment of coverage of different conflicts, see Hammond (2004; 2007a); Hammond (2007); McNulty (1999); Sonwalkar (2004); Carruthers (2004); Atkinson (1999); Nohrstedt et al. (2000); Banks and Wolfe Murray (1999). Bourdieu’s own view of the first Gulf War was that it constituted ‘drunken war-mongering’ (Zamiti, 1996). There was some disagreement about this, with one editor stating: ‘there were some really good reporters out there, independents . . . but that’s not covering the war. It’s not

in The politics of war reporting
The Indian diaspora
Sagarika Dutt

unskilled workers. The first Gulf War hit Indian workers and India hard. Following Operation Desert Storm, the number of Indians in Iraq was reduced to a handful. The Indian community in Libya has also shrunk, mainly due to an economic slowdown, from almost 40,000 in the mid-1980s to about 12,000 in 2000–01. However, on a visit to Dubai in December–January 2003–04, the present author noted the presence of Indian workers and businesses in the city. Although it is not always easy to distinguish Indians from Pakistanis or Bangladeshis, it may be safely concluded that large

in India in a globalized world
Sagarika Dutt

the source of 30 per cent of India’s oil imports and employed about 90,000 Indians, but after the first Gulf War many Indian workers left Iraq. India holds that Iraq should comply with UN resolutions and that sanctions should be lifted for humanitarian considerations if it does. As discussed in Chapter 7, there are also three million Indian expatriates in the Gulf region.The Indian government is concerned that military action in Iraq will lead to more bitterness and violence and create a more unstable and volatile situation. In an era of economic growth, Indian

in India in a globalized world
Bahrain’s post-2014 oil price decline adjustment
Sumaya AlJazeeri

the oil price spike triggered by the First Gulf War in the Middle East. The third episode was in 1998 following the 1997 OPEC expansion of production, and the fourth episode was in 2001 following the 11 September terrorist attacks in the USA and intensified by the dotcom bubble. The fifth episode occurred following the 2008–9 financial crisis resulting from a severe contraction in global consumer demand, and the final episode was in the second half of 2014. Strikingly, it is the most recent episode that has complicated the fiscal challenges of

in Oil and the political economy in the Middle East
Abstract only
Dean J. White

to the Rwandan crisis, as Mark Curtis indicates, has until now been an event that has been written out of British foreign policy history.12 White.indd 3 10/6/2014 5:35:35 PM 4 The ignorant bystander? What is meant by humanitarian intervention? In the years preceding Rwanda’s genocide, following the end of the Cold War and the US-led coalition’s success in the first Gulf War (1991), humanitarian intervention looked to be on the way to becoming an international norm. The peaceful collapse of communism and the end of East–West proxy wars appeared to herald a new

in The ignorant bystander?
Jean-François Caron

which may possibly come from participation in the experiment. However, this informed consent is not required in the military as it is an organization that can interfere with its members’ wishes and preferences in order to protect them and their colleagues from potential harm. This paternalism explains why soldiers are sometimes forced to take particular medicines. This situation arose within the US Army during the First Gulf War in 1991

in A theory of the super soldier
Gregor Gall

, made the point: ‘Joe's talent when writing about social/political topics was the way he couched them in poetry and humour. He didn't preach. He wasn't simplistic. You have to work your way into his lyrics to find your meaning.’ Consequently, Jesus Arias recalled Strummer cried tears on learning US pilots inscribed ‘Rock the Casbah’ on a bomb unleashed over Iraq during the 1991 Gulf War (Hall 2014 ), 8 while Strummer recounted in 2002: ‘You know the US military played this song in the first Gulf War to the troops and

in The punk rock politics of Joe Strummer
Gregor Gall

benefit albums like that for the Human Rights Action Centre and Free the West Memphis Three (Needs 2005 : 296–297, 318). There was also much to be subtracted from the ‘arc of activism’ with regard to Strummer's inactivity in his ‘wilderness years’ from 1989 to 1999 in regard of campaigning against the poll tax, the first Gulf War, pit closure programme and Criminal Justice Bill. But his particular plight in the ‘wilderness years’ accounts less for his inactivity than his inactivism per se. Nonetheless, playing what amount at best to no more than a

in The punk rock politics of Joe Strummer
A. J. Coates

. 239). Even effects which are not foreseen may still be imputable to the agent. The fact that they are not foreseen may arise from moral indifference, negligence, or culpable ignorance (see within pp. 319–21). Norman argues that ‘the weakness of the doctrine is . . . that it too easily exonerates people from responsibility for the unintended outcomes which they knowingly bring about’ (Norman 1995, p. 107). Elsewhere, with the Allied strategic bombing campaign against Iraq in the First Gulf War in mind, he writes: ‘To describe several thousand civilian deaths as

in The ethics of war