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Robin Wilson

over citizenship: ‘Something you could criticise the agreement for is entrenching the nationalist/unionist [divide]. The plaintive cry in the middle, “I’m a citizen of Northern Ireland, I’m not a nationalist or a unionist, so where do I fit in?”, is quite a powerful point.’ 181 The ‘peace walls’ represent the most visible manifestation of this absence of reconciliation. A Dublin official

in The Northern Ireland experience of conflict and agreement
Donnacha Ó Beacháin

disbanded Independent Monitoring Commission, would be established to adjudicate on the status of paramilitaries. The British Government committed £500m to tackle issues ‘unique to Northern Ireland’, including £60 million over five years for ‘confidence building measures’ such as the removal of Belfast’s so-called peace walls.116 On the key sticking point of welfare reform, London also promised £585 million over four years to mitigate the effects of welfare cuts, an increase on the £565 million over six years contained in the Stormont House Agreement.117 In an attempt to

in From Partition to Brexit
Jérôme aan de Wiel

North. The pro-GDR/Marxist bias is not overbearing, but rather subtle. The PIRA is criticised as are the unionists ­generally described as far-right-wing people. The British army is certainly not depicted in favourable terms, nor is the British judiciary system. Northern Ireland has become a militarised society where the living and social conditions are very bad. There are references to the peace walls separating Catholics and Protestants. Unsurprisingly, Kaufmann makes the case that only the CPI and Communism can reunite the Northern Irish people, which will lead to

in East German intelligence and Ireland, 1949–90