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James Downs

photographic portrait of a member of the royal family was a daguerreotype of Prince Albert, taken in 1842 by William Constable. While their representation of photography may have been anachronistic, the designers used genuine photographs to ensure the accuracy of the interior sets for the ballroom scenes. On the first day of filming, Tuesday 13 April 1937, photographs were taken of Grand Reception Room at

in The British monarchy on screen
Open Access (free)
Amateur film, civic culture and the rehearsal of monarchy
Karen Lury

note how closely it follows the model that Ilse Hayden has identified in her anthropological study of the British royal family, in which she suggests that in these kinds of civic encounters, the Queen must balance precariously between appearing ordinary (accessible) and extraordinary (royalty). 5 She suggests, ‘Much of the appeal of the Queen as a symbol derives from her personhood, but the messiness of being a person

in The British monarchy on screen
Tom Ryall

Trieste hotel, near the border with Yugoslavia, and is set in 1941. Gerda Millet (Ingrid Bergman), a wealthy middle-aged widow travelling to Yugoslavia to visit the royal family, buys the Roll-Royce. In fact the car plays a greater role in this episode than in the others. Mrs Millet meets Davitch (Omar Sharif), a young, exiled, revolutionary Yugoslavian attempting to get back to his country, and agrees to give him a lift across the border; the car is then used as ambulance as well after a German air raid; subsequently she drives Davitch back to his home village and the

in Anthony Asquith
Abstract only
Steve Chibnall

ceremoniously made an honorary citizen of the island and the set was visited by the Greek Prime Minister and by the royal family who later hosted a party for the film unit aboard a navy destroyer. The potential for megalomania in all this was recognised by Foreman who told Leslie Mallory, one of the corps of journalists haunting the location: There are times when this thing I

in J. Lee Thompson
Ambivalence, unease and The Smiths
Sean Campbell

issues (‘I certainly don’t think that in England there’s any desire, politically, to make life any easier in Belfast’, claimed Morrissey81) – put aside the politics of Irish particularity for an attack on hegemonic Englishness. This attack was primarily staged, as Joseph Brooker notes in his chapter in this volume, through the band’s critique of the British Prime Minister and the royal family. ‘England’s dreaming’ In the immediate aftermath of Thatcher’s accession to power, the rock critic Bill Graham observed that a certain second-generation Irish musician, John

in Why pamper life's complexities?
The Smiths, the death of pop and the not so hidden injuries of class
Colin Coulter

figures and institutions. The self-identified socialist44 would reserve particular venom of course for the unearned and unwarranted privilege of the monarchy.45 Even over a quarter of a century later, his withering comments on the royal family could CAMPBELL PRINT.indd 167 21/09/2010 11:24 168 The Smiths, the death of pop and class hardly fail to reduce anyone with an ounce of political judgement to tearful mirth.46 And Morrissey was also wont to recount with no lack of colour the very particular miseries that are often the lot of the (second-generation) Irish

in Why pamper life's complexities?
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Trish Winter and Simon Keegan-Phipps

acknowledge that these musical categories are fluid and in some instances ambiguous, but they are useful for understanding both the musical and discursive activities of the group. English folk music was represented here by a number of artists. The involvement of father-and-daughter team Martin and Eliza Carthy was particularly central; the Waterson-Carthy family (of which they are the most visible members) is often referred to as the ‘Royal Family’ of English folk music, and very closely associated with the second period of revival 148 Nation and identity (1950–70s

in Performing Englishness
The battle for consensus in A Very British Coup (Channel 4, 1988)
Joseph Oldham

British coup’ offered to him by Browne, Perkins will soon face a decidedly less ‘British’ coup, this one instigated by the military and backed by the Royal Family, two further pillars of the Establishment which had been relatively marginal in the narrative until this point. The threatening quality of the ending is therefore rooted in the explicit overruling of the restored utopian consensus by the sinister, anti-democratic Establishment. Here a master narrative of the social-democratic consensus, aligned with Perkins’ open appeal to the will of the British population at

in Paranoid visions
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Oh! What a Lovely War (1969)
Sally Dux

lights will go out all over Europe. They will not be lit again in our lifetime.’ Grey’s presence in the film, instead of King George V, was explained by Attenborough: ‘The Tsar and the Kaiser were actively engaged in the political situation which led to the war. Our Royal Family didn’t have any political power and weren’t involved Dux_Attenborough.indd 47 15/08/2013 10:25 48  richard attenborough 46 in the ­negotiations.’ Thus Grey is in discussion with Kaiser Wilhelm (Kenneth More), President Poincare (Ian Holm), Count Berchtold, (Gielgud), General von Moltke

in Richard Attenborough
Gandhi (1982), A Chorus Line (1985) and Cry Freedom (1987)
Sally Dux

August 1978. Attenborough described Mountbatten as ‘one of the most brilliant and well loved men of his time but Dux_Attenborough.indd 115 15/08/2013 10:25 116  richard attenborough also probably the most liberal member of the royal family that we have 35 been fortunate enough to know’. The film is dedicated to Mountbatten, Nehru and Kothari. Mountbatten’s views of Gandhi and those of Kothari influenced Attenborough beyond Fischer’s book. While Attenborough upholds Nehru’s plea not to ‘deify’ Gandhi by including moments of Gandhi’s temper, such as when he upbraids

in Richard Attenborough