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Europe, Core Europe: Transatlantic Relations After the Iraq War ( London : Verso , 2005 ), 15 , 9 . 46 Fligstein, Euro-Clash , 178. 47 S. Jeffrey , ‘ Key Quotes: Tony Blair’s Speech to US Congress ,’ Guardian (18 July 2003 ); I. M. Young , ‘ De-Centering the Project of Global Democracy ,’ in D. Levy , M. Pensky and J. C. Torpey (eds), Old Europe, New Europe, Core Europe: Transatlantic Relations After the Iraq War ( London : Verso , 2005 ), 153 –159 . 48 P. J. Verovšek , ‘ Historical Criticism without Progress: Memory as an
Cited in T.G. Carpenter, ‘The Bush Administration’s Security Strategy: Implications for Transatlantic Relations’, Cambridge Review of International Affairs , Vol. 16(3), 2003, p. 518. 11 Speech to the 14th Munich Conference on Security Policy, 12 February 2005 at: www.securityconference.de/konferenzen/rede.php?menu_2005=&menu
, from his vantage position in the Washington embassy, felt that, by the time of Blair’s meeting with Bush in January 2003: ‘Transatlantic relations were in a trough. Blair’s famous bridge between Europe and America was sinking beneath the waves’ (Meyer 2006: 261). In sum, critics of the bridge strategy argue that it was undesirable in theory, or that it was impossible to execute in practice, either because Blair did not mean what he said or because he was unable to exercise enough of a calming influence over US policy in the war on terror. What we could add
effectively its longer-term accession process, without seeking foreign dragons to slay elsewhere. Secondly, the CEE states tend to fall firmly into the Altanticist camp and, as such, are uninterested in transforming the EU into an effective ‘rival’ of the US. Valasek has attempted to relocate them to, effectively, the centre ground of transatlantic relations, noting that ‘if some European are indeed from Venus
Bears were bullish’ Sports Illustrated, 28 July 1980. The British Olympic Association had come under considerable pressure from the Thatcher government to stand with the United States and avoid British participation; see Kevin Jefferys, Sport and Politics in Modern Britain: The Road to 2012 (Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan, 2012), 149–71. See J. Simon Rofe and Alan Tomlinson, ‘“Strenuous competition on the field of play, diplomacy off it” – the 1908 London Olympics, Theodore Roosevelt, Arthur Balfour, and transatlantic relations’, Journal of the Gilded Age and
Center for Transatlantic Relations, Washington, DC . Galtung , J. , 1969 . ‘Violence, peace, and peace research’, Journal of Peace Research , 6 ( 3 ), 167–191 . Ginkel , B. , Westervelt , S. , 2009 . ‘The ethical challenges of implementing counterterrorism measures and the role of the OSCE’, Security and Human Rights , 2 , 123–142 . Glenny , M. , 1996 . The Fall of Yugoslavia: The Third Balkan War , 3 rd edition. Penguin Books, London . Glenny , M. , 2001 . The Balkans: Nationalism, War & the Great Powers (1804–1999) . Penguin Books
guided by another principle: the existence of domaines privés or issues that cannot be submitted to discussion and interference from the rest of the member states. These areas have traditionally included security issues (national defence, borders, nuclear status or neutrality) and special relationships (like the US–UK relationship). For example, a member of a group dealing with transatlantic
in the field of security. After the Fuchs and Pontecorvo scandals, ministers reacted quickly to repair any damage to transatlantic relations by introducing new security procedures known as ‘positive vetting’. The chapter also uses newly released archival material to shed light on ministerial reactions to the disapperance of the Foreign Office diplomats, Guy Burgess and Donald Maclean, in the spring
As the United States began to assert itself more forcefully on the international stage in the 1890s, American statesmen, commentators, and cartoonists sought to understand world power through the lens of its closest rival and chief model: the British Empire. Although diplomatic crises still troubled transatlantic relations, by the final quarter of the nineteenth century Americans celebrated the long-standing transnational cultural, social, and political connections between the two nations. For so long interpreted as debilitating neo
administration’s views of Europe and impact on transatlantic relations, see Stelzenmüller ( 2019 ).