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demands for state aid were rejected by the Commons Select Committee on Colonisation which sat from 1889 to 1891. 2 However, after 1900 the economies of the self-governing dominions, especially Canada, Australia and New Zealand, expanded dramatically while the United Kingdom continued to experience cyclical unemployment problems and social unrest. Dominion governments and British
manufacturing concentrated in low-technology, low-value added industries … difficulties in attracting and maintaining foreign direct investment … significant concentrations of low pay … the highest unemployment rates of UK regions and more of the unemployed are long-term … total factor productivity rates remain relatively low’. 25 While the conflict
pursuits’. Barnett, then vicar of St Jude’s, urged the Whitechapel Guardians (of which he was a member) to purchase a plot of disused farmland within 100 miles of London, but was defeated by sixteen votes to eight.53 A handful of authorities pursued the idea, and the Whitechapel Guardians established an Agricultural Homes Training Committee in 1893, but most gave up on finding that their powers for dealing with unemployment were ‘utterly inadequate’.54 Barnett turned his attention elsewhere, but the prospect of combining the relief of poverty with land settlement
singleissue thesis which sees the Far Right as a response to salient issues in society, such as unemployment or immigration. Terri Givens claims that the electoral system, coalition structures, factionalism and the varying electoral rules and coalition structures provide differing incentives for voters to vote strategically and for parties to coordinate on coalition strategy. Her central argument is that the Far Right has more problems attracting voters and winning seats in countries whose political systems 06_Vera_Ch-6.indd 61 1/16/2014 11:25:59 AM MUP FINAL PROOF
Social reproduction of youth labour market inequalities 13 The social reproduction of youth labour market inequalities: the effects of gender, households and ethnicity Jacqueline O’Reilly, Mark Smith and Paola Villa Introduction Young people have been disproportionately hit by the economic crisis. In many European countries, unemployment rates have increased faster for youth than for prime age groups (O’Reilly et al., 2015). Vulnerability to the risks of poverty and precarious employment has been compounded by increasing economic inequalities and the rise
somewhat uncertain as social partnership disintegrated in the context of a sharp economic downturn in 2008. The recession and sharply rising unemployment dramatically changed the economic fortunes of the country. Although Polish and other migrants have been hit hard by rising unemployment, the recession has not reversed previous inward migration as Ireland continues to have a substantial migrant population. This, we argue, is unlikely to change in the future as the mass migration that ensued post-2004 is likely to have a lasting impact on the Irish workplace and wider
terrorist attacks of 2015; the longer-term impact of economic crisis and the failure to bring down unemployment. All of these factors recall the weak political, partisan and sociological basis of Hollande's support from the outset. To understand Hollande's predicament we need thereby to mix levels of analysis: to capture the structural, partisan and political bases of his persistent presidential weakness. Hollande's original sin Hollande's original sin lay in the manner of his election in 2012. His 2012 presidential campaign was fought in large part as an
-narrative, an essential detail to contemporary life. In doing so, the novelists demonstrate why the means test became one of the best remembered features of the 1930s. It was the dramatic imagery of the novels, and later feature films, alongside what Matt Perry terms the ‘lived experiences’ of 10_Ward_Ch-6.indd 200 7/12/2013 5:06:14 PM TOWARDS THE WELFARE STATE 201 the decade which explain the prominence of the means test in popular memories of the interwar period.5 While unemployment figures began to decline from 1935 as rearmament commenced, such improvements were not
addition, I will make use of a factual question on unemployment which has been used previously to explore the basis of people’s judgements about the national economy (Ansolabehere, Meredith and Snowberg 2014). The point here is to see how far judgements might have varied according to personal and local rather than national conditions. Next, I will explore accountability: Did voters attribute responsibility for changing national circumstances to the government? Finally, I will bring these together to see how far variations in economic perceptions and judgements about
institutions of the country.1 Before independence, Irish social policy had been shaped by British legislation as well as by Catholicism. The Church sought tight control over education and health, areas seen as crucial to the inter-generational transmission of faith and Catholic morality. The role of the state had expanded from the introduction the Poor Relief Act (1838) to include responsibility for unemployment benefits and old age pensions. Both the Church and the state came to administer demarcated areas of social policy. Catholicism aside, the main ideological influence