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the age of 15 years into armed forces or groups or using them to participate actively in hostilities was a war crime under customary international law and had been since at least 1996. 39 A war crime is simply a violation of the laws and customs of war incurring individual criminal responsibility. Accordingly, the letter would seem to imply that the Council considered the recruitment and use of children under 15 to
implications in the security sector itself, including the militarisation of the police, the maintenance of very large armed forces in proportion to the country’s size and a habit of high spending on security sector budgets. Finally, elements of the Croatian security sector in were implicated in war crimes, leading to the indictment of a number of personnel by the ICTY
numerous initiatives by the EC, the United States, the UN, Nato and other international actors, including: imposing economic sanctions against Yugoslavia and providing humanitarian aid; deploying UN peacekeepers and establishing ‘safe areas’; mediating in ceasefires and hosting peace conferences; brokering an alliance between the Bosnian Muslim and Croatian governments; setting up a war crimes tribunal
power-crazed psychopathic business world of ‘War Crimes’, but with the unsettling awareness that this is no longer fantasy. Carey paints a vitriolic portrait of social decay and disintegration, the collapse of communal ethics and the sheer rapacity of the business world consequent upon the global market economy of the late 1980s. As in Bliss , he links together two areas of urgent concern, rampant capitalism and child sexual abuse. Abuse in the family is seen in relation to wider failures of social responsibility manifest in the corrupt abuses of power and wealth in
passer somehow procured from the International Red Cross. In 1960 he was captured by the Israeli Mossad (foreign intelligence service) in Buenos Aires, and brought back secretly to Israel in an ElAl plane. A year later he stood trial before an Israeli court in Jerusalem, accused of fifteen war crimes and crimes against humanity. After being found guilty he was sentenced to death, the only death sentence ever imposed in Israel. I got involved with Eichmann’s story twice, in two totally different ways, once as a broadcaster and once as a filmmaker, and this chapter
with the invasion of Gaza – committing war crimes, echoed by its enemy Hamas, according to a 575-page report for the United Nations Human Rights Council by a distinguished team led by Justice Richard Goldstone. 7 The displacement on the Palestinian side of the secular (but corrupt) Fatah by the fundamentalist Hamas had been part of the same long-running process of polarisation which had undermined the moderate ‘peace camp
voicelessly; the broken body itself issues the command in the place before the matrix of language and sense begins, and before meaning is produced by situating Bosnia in an already intelligible matrix of war crimes and international law. It is the body collapsed, the body losing life, the body betrayed, that commands the approach. In the fractal space between the killing and the dying lies the command to respond. This command is not a phenomenological utterance. It is otherwise than phenomenological. This command does not allow us ‘to remain in a mode of declarative
Lawson 02_Lawson 08/09/2010 13:36 Page 52 2 ‘Eichmann in Jerusalem’: war crimes prosecutions and the emergence of Holocaust metanarratives On April 11 1961 Adolf Eichmann stood for the first time before a court in Jerusalem charged with being the Third Reich’s ‘executive arm for the extermination of the Jewish people’.1 The case against him was outlined over the next four months, and constituted, in effect, a history of the Holocaust performed in front of the world’s media, indeed it was televised live in several different countries.2 Over 700 journalists
deal with ‘war crimes’ and past human rights abuses. This also gave memory a new social role. The attempt to universalise human rights through international law and a new regime of global governance in this post-Holocaust ‘epoch of trauma’ brought what the French philosopher Paul Ricoeur has called a ‘duty to remember’ to the centre of the stage.10 Post-conflict traumatic memories came to be seen as having ‘exemplary value’ not simply in themselves but when turned into a ‘project . . . directed toward the future’.11 The idea that memory has a future-focused social
, associations supporting convicted war criminals and local groups opposing such plans. In this context it was the issue of Japanese war criminals, their trials, their fate and their place within the nation’s public discourse which assumed a central role. The three categories of war crimes established at Nuremberg for dealing with Nazi atrocities also served as the template for trials of