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Bernadette C. Hayes and Ian McAllister

who qualifies as a victim, the question of how society should remember and atone for the suffering inflicted on them remains largely unexplored (Smyth, 2007 ). The ability to address the needs of victims lies at the heart of post-conflict politics, offering the hope of reconciliation and a shared future but providing a further justification for perpetuating the violence and reproducing the grievances of the past if

in Conflict to peace
Geopolitics and capitalist development in the Asia-Pacific
Mark Beeson

decidedly different from their counterparts in ‘the West’. 1 At the very least, such structural and discursive variations serve as powerful reminders that, even in an age characterized by global processes and ever greater degrees of economic and political integration, significant differences remain – differences that often have an enduring regional dimension

in Critical Security in the Asia-Pacific
Abstract only
Michael D. Leigh

Politics and religion were two sides of the same coin. Wesleyan missionaries went to Upper Burma for many and complex reasons but their main purpose was to convert Burmans to Christianity. One scholar described it as a ‘corrupting’ task. 1 Another suggested that giving ‘pagan souls the same cast as our own’ was to personalise imperialism. 2 Few missions achieved the conversion targets set for them by their societies. As a result mission histories are often histories of failure. 3 Conversion rates

in Conflict, politics and proselytism
Abstract only
Michael D. Leigh

League for Democracy (NLD) won a resounding victory. 5 SLORC refused to hand over power until it had assembled a National Convention to draw up a new constitution. Twenty years were to elapse before a convention (of sorts) was to meet. During that time the tatmadaw (Burmese armed forces) became ever more powerful, SLORC rebranded itself as State Peace and Development Council (SPDC), Burma changed its name to Myanmar and close ties were cultivated with China. 6 Political dissidence was suppressed, political

in Conflict, politics and proselytism
Abstract only
Michael D. Leigh

essays in colonisation? Certainly the missionaries acted out microcosmic dramas against the backdrop of colonial politics and imperial wars. 4 Between the point of British Empire and counter-point of Burmese nationalism, four factions jostled for position. Seventy-seven Methodist missionaries occupy centre stage in this account. For eighty years they wrote weekly dispatches describing life, politics and events. However, they were participants as well as chroniclers. Sometimes they ruffled feathers and sometimes poured

in Conflict, politics and proselytism
Daniel Stevens and Nick Vaughan-Williams

necessitated. Thus, whatever continuities we may seek to delineate before and after 9/11 – including the political move to claim the novelty of a given era for particular policy ends – the international political landscape in which Britain and other liberal democratic states operate is presented by policy elites as having been transformed dramatically. No longer are interests at ‘home’ and ‘abroad’ portrayed

in Everyday security threats
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Michael D. Leigh

, coruscating events in Rangoon eclipsed the struggles of ordinary people. The Methodist Synod in Mandalay predicted a gloomy and uncertain future. 3 The sheer scale of destruction gnawed away at post-war Burmese politics and undermined public morale. In April 1945 Holden was airlifted into Upper Burma by the Civil Affairs Service Unit (CAS(B)) and he saw for himself the ‘desolation and ruin’ in Mandalay. Harrowing stories were on everyone’s lips. Firth landed in Rangoon in November 1945. A pall of shock and excitement hung over the

in Conflict, politics and proselytism
Abstract only
Michael D. Leigh

pretend to be, men really full of zeal for the welfare of our fellow creatures’. Although leprosy brought the lives of individual sufferers crashing down, it was not the most important health problem in Burma. It was a political issue. Winston wanted to pre-empt a Catholic Bishop who was planning a large Leper Home in Mandalay, and he promised that the Wesleyan ‘Home will be simply Christian and Protestant, nothing more’. 41 Denominational rivalry fuelled Winston’s demands for funds, but surprisingly the Missionary

in Conflict, politics and proselytism
Vicky Randall

In moving from an analysis of Freeman’s views on the Teutonic origins of English freedom to the wider context of his Aryanism, we must proceed with caution. Not only are Victorian attitudes towards race notoriously difficult to interpret, but the word ‘Aryan’ has connotations in the twenty-first century which it did not have in the nineteenth. Analysing the only work to contain a systematic articulation of Freeman’s racial theory, the relatively obscure Comparative Politics (1873), I argue that his views were not idiosyncratic or extreme when judged by the

in History, empire, and Islam
An interview with Michael Lillis
Graham Spencer

confidence in the fairness and acceptability of the court system in the North. What we were suggesting was mixed three-man courts on both sides of the border for crimes that were associated with, shall we say, political inspiration. Goodall was certainly taken aback by this approach. Initially we had a good long walk along the canal in Dublin after one of the Intergovernmental meetings and kept going back and forth to discuss this. Goodall certainly had difficulty in believing that this was coming with the authority of the

in Inside Accounts, Volume I