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, Ernest Burgess, George Herbert Mead and Herbert Blumer, and their work is outlined in the opening chapter of this book. Being located in the discipline of human geography, however, the E14 expedition also sought to follow in the footsteps of Bill Bunge who similarly tried to bridge the gap between the university and its local community in Detroit during the late 1960s. In his Geographical Expedition, Bunge deployed university resources (staff, students and research expertise) to work with a broad-based community organisation and its leadership to expose the pressing
), the concept has been influenced by the ‘grassroots urban uprisings of the late 1960s and earlier and contemporary meditations on our urban worlds’ (Heynen et al., 2018: 301). This was of concern in the research of many critical geographers (Massey and Catalano 1978; Sandercock, 1977) and particularly of urban geographers (Iveson, 2011). These works also gave rise to a debate on whether spatial injustice is a derivative (Marcuse, 2009) or causal effect of social injustice. Soja, representing the latter position, claims that ‘a new emphasis on specifically urban
eat, drink and move about only when other members of the community were asleep. The social organisation of the animals showed equal disruption.’ For those involved in city planning in the US in the 1960s and 1970s, the stress responses to overcrowding in rats had obvious lessons for humans, and this generated a fierce debate about the effects of urban density. These questions were taken up by a large interdisciplinary group in the US containing many leading social scientists and urbanists, the Committee on Physical and Social Environmental Variables as
liberation post-1960s (such as the 1968 movement) to address capitalism’s rhetoric of the liberation of the individual through consumption (Boltanski and Chiapello, 2005 : 441). In The New Spirit of Capitalism , Boltanski and Chiapello ( 2005 : 419–42) argue that the renewed artistic struggle for authenticity has been countered by the capitalist machine through two strategies: first, through capitalism’s ability to deny any claims of authenticity; second, through capitalism’s power to reconfigure artistic strategies seeking authenticity through expressive forms of
Throughout the twentieth-century era of mass domestic tourism, this reputation was embellished through an association with the carnivalesque, with the Bakhtinian pleasures of sexual excess, alcoholic exuberance and a release from the routines of the factory floor having particular appeal for the thousands of working-class Londoners who descended on Margate on Bank Holiday weekends. And even when the era of package holidays was ushered in by cheap passenger flights in the 1960s, the refuge of ‘seaside nostalgia’ kept the tourists coming, preserving many of the traditions of
the 1960s, in Soviet Karelia, few novels have addressed border-crossing individuals and their traumatic experiences of violence, or experiences of in-betweenness, homelessness and ideological uncertainty (Jaakkola, 1968 ; Timonen, 1961, 1971 ). The well-known Soviet Karelian writer Antti Timonen (1915–90) addressed these themes in his historical novel We Karelians . The novel depicts the civil war in Soviet Karelia in the 1920s, when the Karelian population was divided into the Reds and the Whites. Timonen describes the main phases of the war, but also
identities forms the foundations for the modern spa. Though the use of hot springs is embedded in many global cultures, especially in East Asia, the focus of this work will be on the commercially developed western spa model. Originating on the west coast of the USA in the 1940s, the popularity of the modern spa drew from a range of cultural shifts (Erfurt-Cooper and Cooper, 2009). Firstly, while European spa medicine had been practiced for centuries, the counter-cultural revolution of the 1960s brought with it a more critical take on conventional medicine and an increased
the options available to her: ‘I would like to study here and maybe stay here or go back to Poland or travel like my sister. Maybe I want to be a pianist or an artist. Maybe I would like to be a teacher as well’. In Sally’s drawing depicting her future (Figure 2.1), she featured herself as the 1960s cartoon character ‘Atom Ant’. Atom Ant has superpowers: super strength and the ability to fly.3 She depicts some of her possible future occupations – a chef or a teacher – but it is pertinent to her experience as a migrant that ‘in character’ she portrays herself as
1600s (Sexton, 1998). Over time, rural agricultural households have produced food for their own use as have a minority of urban dwellers in back gardens or allotments (Fox, 2006; Sexton, 1998). Established in 1946, the Irish Country Markets model still demonstrates the importance of home-produced goods, such as eggs and vegetables, as well as their sale, to the domestic rural economy (Sage, 2003). In the 1960s, a small movement of people worked towards self-sufficiency and marked the beginnings of artisan and organic food production in Ireland (Sage, 2003; Tovey
the urban process as part of a naturalistic framework of analysis (see Wolch et al., 2002 ). By the 1960s and 1970s the emergence of terms such as ‘ecological studies’, though related to the Chicago School, marked a more elaborate engagement with quantifiable variables that could be correlated across urban space (see Berry and Kasarda, 1977 ). Interest in measurement and