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Algerian communists and the new Algeria
Allison Drew

The new Algeria joined the international state system shortly before the Cuban missile crisis. World politics seemed frozen into a bipolar, ideologically driven rivalry between the United States and the Soviet Union, although Sino-Soviet tensions were undermining the Eastern bloc’s seeming unity. When the armed struggle was launched, Africa was almost entirely under

in We are no longer in France
Open Access (free)
Neil Macmaster

Introduction There is . . . a lot of work that needs to be done on the role of women in the Revolution. The woman in the town, in the mountains, in the enemy administration, the prostitute and the intelligence that she obtains, the woman in prison, under torture, in the face of death, and before the tribunals. Frantz Fanon, L’An V de la révolution algérienne (1959) From 1926 onwards, the date of the foundation of the Algerian proindependence movement the Étoile nord-africaine (ENA), the forces of nationalism began to gain a mass popular base and to place

in Burning the veil
To the cities and the prisons
Allison Drew

Repression was heralded by a crescendo of tit-for-tat attacks by French and Algerian forces in the late summer and early autumn of 1956. 1 Abane Ramdane commanded the Algiers zone, where bombings in crowded civilian areas became a daily occurrence. He was assisted by Larbi Ben M’Hidi and Saâdi Yacef. The casbah, home of some 100,000 people, was their centre of operations. Yacef worked closely with Ali Ammar - Ali la

in We are no longer in France
Trauma, history, myth
Guy Austin

films made after Algerian independence in 1962. Yet there remains a debate to be had about how these films (often dismissed by French critics as propaganda) represented the struggle, and what their legacy was to Algerian cinema. What is the relationship between La Bataille d’Alger (Pontecorvo, 1965) and the cinéma moudjahid ? What were the influences at work on Algerian war films of the 1960s, films that were in a sense

in Algerian national cinema
Communists and nationalists during the Second World War
Allison Drew

decree. When organised labour protested, government defeated the unions. Business celebrated. The public political space available to communists contracted. 1 Isolated, the Soviet Union preached peace but planned for war. The Comintern and its national sections continued to prioritise antifascism over anti-colonialism. For the PCF, Franco-Algerian unity was crucial for fighting fascism. To justify

in We are no longer in France
The origins of the Algerian women’s movement, 1945–54
Neil Macmaster

1 From the Sétif Massacre to the November insurrection: the origins of the Algerian women’s movement, 1945–54 The centre of gravity of this study lies in the French emancipation campaign from 1956 to 1962, but to understand the extent to which this was innovative or marked a break with the past requires some idea of that which preceded it. This chapter explores a number of issues: first, it provides a brief background sketch of the overall social, economic and political situation of Algerian women during the post-war decade. The triple colonial oppression of

in Burning the veil
From Le Thé au harem d’Archimède to Cheb
Carrie Tarr

for arabe (Arab), and was in circulation within the immigrant community in the late 1970s. 4 Its hybrid form reflects the conflict of identity experienced by the newly visible ‘second generation’ (as they are still called). On the one hand, they owed allegiance to the culture of their Maghrebi (Arab or Berber) parents, who tended to maintain their original national identity, be it Algerian, Tunisian or Moroccan, and even to dream of the return to the

in Reframing difference
International perceptions
Francesco Cavatorta

6 Islamism and democracy: international perceptions The international dimension of the failed Algerian process of democratisation is an important part of the story because it not only contributes to explain such failure, but also because it indirectly addresses very important contemporary issues about the prospects of democracy in the Arab world. From the previous analysis, it emerges that it is around the emergence of the FIS as the largest opposition movement in Algeria that the whole transition turned. It is largely the rise of the Islamist movement that

in The international dimension of the failed Algerian transition
Francesco Cavatorta

asked is the following: did the externally driven downturn in the economy have a causal link to the decision to liberalise? In order to answer this question, it is necessary to take into account a number of elements. First of all, prior to the crisis in the mid-1980s, Algerian society had known a substantial degree of stability. Over the course of the decades, there were only two episodes that seemed to shake the regime. The first was the Berber Spring of 1980, which was dealt with quite swiftly, and a radical Islamist insurrection in 1983, similarly dealt with. The

in The international dimension of the failed Algerian transition
Natalya Vince

amongst the European population. From the vantage point of the balcony of her rented apartment, she caught a glimpse of many of the key events which would mark the end of French rule and the birth of independent Algeria. She saw members of the OAS, the right-wing paramilitary group composed of renegade army officers and settlers who refused to accept the loss of French Algeria, murder an Algerian man who had stopped to fill up his car at the petrol station across the road. She saw the first soldiers from the wilaya IV (the region around Algiers) arrive in the capital

in Our fighting sisters