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2 ‘Cultural difference’, citizenship and young people: intellectual responses Introduction While it may be exaggerated to argue that young people of North African origin are simply ‘the products’ of the political and intellectual climate of the last thirty years, their attitudes will nevertheless have been informed by the ambient political and intellectual discourses, their representations and their polemics. In terms of intellectual discourse, we can distinguish three main areas of academic debate concerning North African immigration in contemporary France
The story of citizenship is closely linked to the story of urbanisation: the story of how urban life imposed a different perspective of time and space which forged national consciousness, of how communities transformed from tight, familial networks to self-governing bodies of individuals, of how technology, the mainstream urban cultures and city images shaped urbanites’ identity. From Greek polis, to the emergence of medieval cities to the multicultural, global cities of nowadays, city has been central to the shaping of citizenship. Yet, in
Introduction On 11 June 2004, the Irish electorate voted on the ‘Twenty-seventh Amendment of the Constitution Bill’ or, as it is more generally known, the Citizenship Referendum (hereafter the Referendum). On that day a large majority of those who voted – almost 80 per cent – sanctioned a withdrawal of the automatic constitutional right to citizenship for all children born in the Republic of Ireland. The Citizenship Act (2005) introduced a distinction between children born in Ireland whose parents were Irish, and those whose parents were not. This
the term ‘Third Way’ by several years. At the heart of New Labour’s Third Way is the claim that economic efficiency and social justice can be symbiotic. I argue that the articulation of a particular concept of citizenship is a crucial element of the framework that New Labour believes is necessary in order to achieve this. This argument is supported by evidence drawn from a discursive
Allwood 05 24/2/10 5 10:30 Page 129 Refugees, gender and citizenship in Britain and France This chapter explores the question of citizenship-building processes in relation to women asylum seekers and refugees and their civic participation not only in discrete refugee women’s community associations or organisations (RCOs) but also in (longer established) migrant women’s community associations.1 Its aim is fourfold: first, it discusses the relationship between the question of citizenship, refugee women and their associations; second, it presents an overview
Part eight offers three chapters of advice for good citizenship: citizens ought to be thoughtful and mature in making decisions; they ought to be virtuous rather than slaves to vice; and they ought to have the greatest zeal for the commonwealth.
5 Globalisation, the breaking and re-making of social democratic citizenship Hans Schattle Introduction: the erosion of social democratic citizenship Social democratic citizenship can be regarded as the fulfilment of not only civil and political rights but also social and economic rights – rights to education, health care, living wages, unemployment insurance and pensions – and it is all too obvious that these rights have eroded severely in recent decades across the ‘developed’ world. The gutting of trade unions, the reduction of full-time jobs paying decent
7 Male leisure and citizenship in the Second World War I t is perhaps fitting that in a book which considers male leisure and notions of citizenship, the final chapter should investigate the impact of the Second World War on working communities. Never before had the leisure of the working class been so systematically scrutinised by the state through a network of intelligence officers and researchers. The era of total war had propelled the civilian to centre stage and the British Government watched nervously to see how he or she would respond to enemy bombardment
3 Citizenship and popular culture Where the previous chapter explored the traditions of thought that connected politics with popular culture, this one looks in detail at the latter’s relationship with the specifics of citizenship. For many writers it is not a happy relationship. As we have seen, Adorno and Horkheimer, and more recently Robert Putnam, are just a few examples of those who have cast a critical and (more often than not) pessimistic eye on popular culture’s potential to invigorate the public sphere. Together, these writers alert us to the harm that
9 Playing with citizenship So far we have represented our participants as a thoughtful bunch. When they reflected on the political efficacy of celebrities or the wider social significance of a storyline in, for example, a soap opera, they showed their ability to reflect critically on political issues, often doing so in a serious manner. In such moments, these young people came very close to the ‘ideal type citizen’ that we discussed in Chapter 3. They were calm and rational when formulating an opinion about political issues. Moreover, as they demonstrated in