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territorially based statehood in an increasingly globalised world. This is a world in which knowledge, which cannot be consolidated within national borders, is fundamentally important for both social systems and active citizenship. During the course of the preceding chapters it has been asked whether the existing nation state can continue to steer on so many fronts, and whether the model of ministerial responsibility still offers a framework for flexible and responsive administration. In theoretical terms, it is tempting to see the time from the publication of the Philosophy
’. 21 On the political strategies of societal constitutionalism see Anderson, ‘Social democracy’, pp. 33 ff.; Hardt and Negri, Multitude , pp. 202 ff.; Davis et al. , ‘Social Rights, Social Citizenship, and Transformative Constitutionalism’. 22 This suggestion is from
, “Incorporating Human Rights Into the Corporate Domain: Due Diligence, Impact Assessment and Integrated Risk Management,” 31 (2), Impact Assessment and Project Appraisal (2013) 97. 65 Johnson & Johnson, 2015 Citizenship and Sustainability Report, available at www.jnj.com/sites/default/files/pdf/cs/2015-jnj-citizenship-sustainability-report.pdf (accessed 29th November 2019), p. 68. 66 See R. Locke, The Promise and Limits of Private Power: Promoting Labour Standards in a Global Economy (Cambridge, 2013). 67 For a recent academic overview of the role of the EHRC
Transformation of the Public Sphere , 84. 33 Urbinati, Democracy Disfigured. 34 Habermas, The Structural Transformation of the Public Sphere , 184. For the ‘pollutant’ charge: James Curran, ‘Rethinking the Media as a Public Sphere’, in Communication and Citizenship , ed. Peter
emerge in the Treaty of Maastricht (1992). Officially known as the Treaty on European Union, this agreement paved the way for the expansion of the CM and granted the nationals of the member-states European citizenship. As citizens of the newly created European Union (previously Community), individuals from the member-states were allowed to work anywhere in Europe and were granted voting rights in that country’s local as well European parliamentary elections. Nicolas Jabko points out that ‘it was obvious at the time of the Maastricht treaty that the idea of European
van den Burg quoted in van Middelaar, The Passage to Europe , 265; C. Lapavitsas et al. , Crisis in the Eurozone ( London : Verso , 2012 ), 90 –91 . 55 In A. Burr Overstreet , ‘ The Nature and Prospects of European Institutions: A Report on the Second Carnegie Endowment Conference on International Organization ,’ Journal of Common Market Studies , 3 : 2 ( 1964 ), 131 –132 . 56 R. Bellamy and A. Warleigh , ‘ From an Ethics of Integration to an Ethics of Participation: Citizenship and the Future of the European Union ,’ Millennium , 27
innovations as a resource to consult and learn from when attempting to solve problems and think about the best ways to reconcile knowledge, contingency, and justice in the near future. One could state the matter succinctly by saying that one of the central tasks of twenty-first- century citizenship is the pedagogical one of citizens helping social systems learn from states and the role played by constitutions in the history of weak and strong instances of statehood. This is not a completely utopian ideal if one bears in mind that collective learning is real and that it is
will disapprove, although equally, and without fear of censure, I could look forward to a champagne breakfast with those very same people. Binge drinking –short periods involving rapid consumption of alcohol –is socially acceptable under certain circumstances in many drinking cultures, usually at annual festivities, rites of passage or in a weekly release from work, but what is undoubtedly regarded as problematic is frequent, continual drinking, because of its effects on the body, mind, personal relationships, and citizenship. Yet from the perspective of
basis she builds her own version of normative utopianism: for example, it is because of what she calls the undeniable actualities of modern tyranny and warfare that she places cruelty first among the vices; just as it is what she calls the antiquity and continuing prevalence and relevance of the Jacksonian faith that, she maintains, creates a presumption of a right to work as an element of American citizenship , and so on. Shklar does not only identify with the normative utopianism of Rawls and Habermas, as we saw, but also with what she calls
absolute; (iii) the delineation of a sphere of competences; (iv) the existence of an organ internal to the polity with interpretative autonomy as regards the meaning and the scope of the competences; (v) the existence of an institutional structure to govern the polity; (vi) rights and obligations of citizenship, understood in a broad sense; (vii