dominant that it became the
mainstay of war-time propaganda.
In essence, the English national profile fabricated in the
closing decades of the nineteenth century was derived from the
pre-industrial world. The Tudor and Elizabethaneras were most popular
for the identification of Englishness, due to their historical location
at the start of English imperial history. The establishment of the
provide a visual
patchwork of how people in villages, towns and cities across Britain were swept
along by populist enthusiasm. 29 Unlike the London-focused Festival of Britain in 1951, amateur
coverage of the 1953 Coronation suggests that localised participation had
both real and symbolic significance. 30 Many people equated the accession of the
young queen with the start of a new Elizabethanera that would mark the end
are writing songs of a standard which has
probably not been reached in Britain since the Elizabethanera’. 14 He cited in
particular John Ireland, C. Armstrong Gibbs, Thomas Dunhill and Roger
Quilter, and he included in his permanent repertoire James Dear’s
Sherwood , Armstrong Gibbs’s Silver , Vaughan
Williams’s Orpheus With His Lute and Somervell’s
In Summertime on Bredon. He recorded
Wayward apprentices and other ‘evil disposed persons’ at London’s fairs
middling, and elite Londoners all helped define the place of amusement
in their early modern metropolis.
City and county efforts to contain festive amusements in London are
one of many examples that reveal the challenges of maintaining urban
order in the face of London’s growth. During the late seventeenth and
early eighteenth centuries, policing throughout the City and surrounding
counties varied by parish. During the Elizabethanera, traditional policing in London was undertaken by householders who took turns serving
as constables or other officers.18 Neighbourhood
Gender, race, nation, and the amusements of London fairs
Fawkes’s collection did not originate with his own journeys
to faraway places, it did demonstrate that he knew how to tap into and
profit from the commodity culture associated with this wider world.
As Fawkes mined a global culture for his exhibits he also pulled
from England’s home-grown culture of expert craftsmanship. The clocks
he and others exhibited represented the finest male workmanship of
England, and in particular London, where clock- and instrument-makers had created a prestigious reputation for themselves as the world’s
finest since the Elizabethanera.25
divisions between history and fiction were, of course, splendidly
flouted by numerous early modern poets and dramatists. As writers drew on
the growing stock of printed chronicles and histories, the later Elizabethanera became one of the great ages of historical literature. A breed of poethistorians such as Samuel Daniel, Michael Drayton and William Warner
turned their pens to the versifying of English history. The English chronicle
play blazed fiercely in the 1590s, before fizzling out at the end of Elizabeth’s
reign. Too many dangerous associations had been evoked by
’s successor in Geneva. Eminent aristocratic patrons in the
early Elizabethanera supported both prominent preachers and troupes of
players – among them the Earls of Leicester and Warwick. 21 Even certain
playing companies were characterized by a militant Protestant stance,
such as the rivals to the Lord Chamberlain’s Men, the
Admiral’s Men. Will Kemp, the star clown in Shakespeare’s
company, was known for
English mercantile and diplomatic encounters with Russia, 1553–88
Felicity Jane Stout
: Cambridge University
Press, 1984), p. 113.
11 H. S. Cobb, ‘Cloth exports from London and Southampton in the later 15th and
early 16th centuries: a revision’, Economic History Review, 31 (1978), 601–9. See
also H. Zins, England and the Baltic in the ElizabethanEra, trans. H. C. Stevens
(Manchester: Manchester University Press, 1972), pp. 160–91.
12 A. G. R. Smith, The Emergence of a Nation State: The Commonwealth of England,
1529–1660, 2nd edn (Harlow: Longman, 1997), p. 52.
13 B. Dietz, ‘Antwerp and London: the structure and balance of trade in the 1560s’,
in E. W. Ives, R
. 140–2; P. Clark, ‘“The Ramoth-Gilead of the Good”; urban change and political radicalism at Gloucester 1540–1640’, in P. Clark, A. G. R. Smith and N. Tyacke
(eds), The English Commonwealth, 1547–1640 (London, 1979), p. 175.
122 H. Zins, England and the Baltic in the ElizabethanEra (Manchester, 1972), pp. 248–63; J.
K. Federowicz, England’s Baltic Trade in the Early Seventeenth Century: A Study in AngloPolish Commercial Diplomacy (Cambridge, 1980), pp. 110–15; Dyer, The City of Worcester in
the Sixteenth Century, pp. 166–7; Leonard, The Early History of English Poor
playwright’, see Hunter, esp. pp. 132–58. However,
Andy Kesson, John Lyly and Early Modern Authorship (Manchester:
Manchester University Press, 2014) contends that Lyly’s status as a court
writer has been exaggerated (p. 12).
Scepticism and belief in English witchcraft drama
decade, with peak years during the Elizabethanera (1570–1600).
Around 40 per cent of these translations are from a Latin original,
making Latin the biggest source language for English translations
during this period.103 Not all Latin texts were necessarily ancient,
of course, but a large number