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The reimagination of Baroque sculpture during Fascism
Laura Moure Cecchini

-referential experimentation. 74 At Mussolini's invitation d’Ors curated the Spanish pavilion in the 1938 Venice Biennale, thereby legitimising Franco's regime in the cultural arena. 75 6.12 Mario Tozzi, Mattutino , 1927

in Baroquemania
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The making of a regional political class in itself
Klaus Stolz

first Catalan Parliament since the second republic was elected, this election symbolised not only another step towards a regionalised democratic Spanish state, but also the end of a long period of suppression of Catalan identity and Catalanism as a cultural as well as a political force. As Catalonia (perhaps along with the Basque country) had been the Spanish region most at odds with the Franco regime, it may come as little surprise that it was the region that turned away from the Francoist past more radically than all the other regions when it had the chance. As a

in Towards a regional political class?
Paul Kennedy

year in office, the overall tax burden in Spain was 34 per cent of GDP, below that of all other EU countries, with the exception of Ireland and Portugal (El País, 1998: 362). In addition to industrial restructuring, the Socialists viewed the injection of a greater degree of flexibility into the labour market as a priority task in a bid to boost investment and productivity. One of the legacies of the Franco regime was the widespread existence of rigid, legally protected work contracts throughout the labour market which made any adjustments extremely difficult and

in The Spanish Socialist Party and the modernisation of Spain
Historical cinema in post-Franco Spain
Barry Jordan and Rikki Morgan-Tamosunas

and 1990s there has been a significant output of both popular movies and less accessible arthouse films which self-consciously reflect on a whole range of relationships between the past and the present, reality and representation, history and memory. History, cinema and the mitologia franquista The ideological agenda of the Franco regime was

in Contemporary Spanish cinema
Democratisation and freedom of speech (1975– 81)
Duncan Wheeler

Stanley Payne notes, Fuerza Nueva was ‘a noisy feature of Spanish life in the 1970s, even though lacking in popular support’. 59 For more mainstream political parties, stability was priority number one, consensus simultaneously posited as both synonymous with and superior to inalienable democratic human rights. The 1978 Constitution was drafted on this basis: ‘Any reference to the democratic legality against which sections of the army rose in 1936 and the repression of the Franco regime exercised for almost forty years was barred from the text as part of the supposed

in Following Franco
Class, gender and race
Duncan Wheeler

to make me forgive the original blight of my class and the infamy of my family’s past’. 22 His anti-Francoism, alongside that of his brothers and fellow writers, Luis and José Agustín, cannot be divorced from their father’s capitulation to the Franco regime. This extended to falsely attributing their mother’s death in a bomb-raid by Mussolini’s air force to the Republican enemy. When Luis was imprisoned, his father wrote to Franco begging for clemency in light of their suffering during the war and his track-record as an upstanding right-wing Catholic. 23 The

in Following Franco
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Heuristic of the Spanish philosophy of diversity management
Ricard Zapata-Barrero

political term that was created during the colonial period of Spain and resurrected during Franco’s dictatorship, ‘precisely to comprise the whole Spanish area of influence, designating a linguistic (Spanish) and religious (Catholic) community and creating a sense of belonging, excluding non-Spanish speakers, atheists, Muslims’ (Zapata-Barrero, 2008a: 60). The Franco regime (1940–75) reconstructed this term as a symbol of homogeneity and unity, in order to impose a sentiment of loyalty and patriotism (González Antón, 1997: 613). This exclusion still exists today, and is

in Diversity management in Spain
Paul Kennedy

relatively comfortable, middle-­class family – his mother was the daughter of a paediatrician and his father was a lawyer – Rodríguez Zapatero had little reason to sympathise with the Franco regime. His paternal grandfather, Juan Rodríguez Zapatero Lozano, a military officer and Socialist sympathiser, had been executed by Franco’s rebels a month after the uprising which sparked off the Civil War. The death left an indelible mark on the family, and Rodríguez Zapatero has indicated that his decision to join the PSOE was linked to the memory of his grandfather (Calamai and

in The Spanish Socialist Party and the modernisation of Spain
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Progressive ideology in a post­social democratic world?
Paul Kennedy

Spain’s transition to democracy was the so-­called ‘pacto de olvido’ whereby there existed – across the political spectrum – a tacit agreement not to engage in any claims concerning the violation of human rights under the Franco regime (Aguilar, 1996, 2002). There had been no official parliamentary condemnation of Franco’s coup, nor any tribute to Franco’s victims until Rodríguez Zapatero became Prime Minister. It was thought that any attempt to re-­visit the past, much less seek to call people to account for their actions during the Civil War and Francoist

in The Spanish Socialist Party and the modernisation of Spain
Paul Kennedy

objectives (Jiménez Redondo, 2006: 71–82). The PSOE shared Ortega y Gasset’s aphorism that Europe offered the solution to the historic problem of Spanish backwardness and isolation, a sense of being ‘different’ to the rest of the continent – as had been all too balefully illustrated during the Franco regime. The Spanish population shared the PSOE’s enthusiasm for Europe and concepts such as modernisation, welfare, pluralism and rationality became virtually synonymous with Spain’s Europeanisation. Moreover, although the end of the Cold War threatened to shift the European

in The Spanish Socialist Party and the modernisation of Spain