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External Relations Files, Memo on the outcome of the first meeting of the Congo Advisory Committee from the Indian Delegation in New York to Foreign, New Delhi, 26 August 1960. 24 Bring, ‘Dag Hammarskjöld and the issue of humanitarian intervention’, pp. 500–501. 25 UNA, S-0856–0001–05, United Nations Offices for Special Political Affairs, General Assembly Resolution 1654 (XVI) –Committee on Implementation of Declaration on Granting Independence to Colonial Peoples 1961–1969. 26 Hammarskjöld also had formal advisory groups for previous crises in Suez and
Soviet Union hardened its line against Israel, believing West Germany was a full partner in NATO’s nuclear arms program. 23 As Israeli–Soviet relations worsened an official protest was lodged with Israel’s ambassador to Moscow, in which the Soviets charged an IDF build-up along the Syrian border. Imperialist forces in the Middle East, they claimed, were ignoring the UN General Assembly resolution to
between East and West. 58 The Joseph Johnson Plan committed the United States only to having 10 percent of the refugees return to Israel, while 90 percent would be resettled elsewhere. The United States also promised that Article 11 of UN General Assembly Resolution 194 (11) regarding the return of the Arab refugees would be buried. However, the United States did not control Nasser and could not promise he
seems a logical step towards alleviating elements of social exclusion for people with disabilities. For example, UN General Assembly Resolution 48/96 recommends that ‘States should ensure that the provision of support takes into account the costs frequently incurred by persons with disabilities and their families as a result of their disability’. Indeed, interventions to promote the well-being and social inclusion of people with disabilities in many countries include policies to ensure adequate income for people living with disabilities or those caring for a person
South Korea), calls for a New International Economic Order, and with it the transfer of technology, had largely ceased. However, UNCTAD III, having begun its substantive sessions in the same year as the adoption of the UN General Assembly resolutions on the New International Economic Order and having largely taken place during the 1970s, was not unaffected by the zeitgeist and developing
international criminal court in the 1960s. P. Marquardt, ‘Law without borders: the constitutionality of an international criminal court’, Columbia J Transnat’l Law, 33 (1995), 73–148, p. 87, comments on the work of academics in the 1970s. B. Graefrath, ‘Universal criminal jurisdiction and an international criminal court’, EJIL, 1 (1990), 67–88, p. 71, comments on the work of NGOs in the 1970s. 7 General Assembly Resolution (GA Res.) 3314 (XXIX), 14 December 1974. 8 See the 1996 ILC Draft Code. 9 M
. 131, 43 I.L.M. 1009 (2004). 53 General Assembly Resolution ES-10/14, 8 December 2003. 54 See, e.g., N. Strapatsas, ‘Case notes on the advisory opinion on the legal consequences of the construction of the wall in occupied Palestinian territory’, and N
aspirational and an internal matter for individual states to decide. Robinson was also unpopular with the United States because of her use of public diplomacy in speaking out against violations occurring in Israeli occupied territories, and her unwillingness to challenge attacks on Israel and Zionism at the 2001 World Conference Against Racism, Racial Discrimination, Xenophobia and Related Intolerance in South Africa. Even though the notorious “Zionism Equals Racism” General Assembly resolution was rescinded in 1991, the UN has had difficulty shaking its anti-Israeli bias
specifically, with the way it was defined in the 1980s. For instance, Kouchner – who was again Minister of Foreign Affairs at the time – argued that “France invented the droit d’ingérence . …. The Security Council talks about ‘the responsibility to protect’. It is the same thing” (in Védrine 2009 , 245–246). Similarly, in 2010 Kouchner argued in front of the UN General Assembly that General Assembly Resolution 43/131 ( 1988 ) on “Humanitarian assistance to victims of natural disasters and similar emergency situations” and Security Council Resolution 688 ( 1991 ) on Iraq
institutional structure of IGOs, but this does not detract from them potentially having a constitutional base. Constitutions do not necessarily entail a separation of powers (executive, legislative and judicial) and a rule of law. These are basic axioms of a liberal constitutional order, but they are usefully deployed here from a critical perspective. In the case of the UN, the General Assembly acts as a legislative body in a weak sense. Although not accepted as a formal source of law, General Assembly resolutions create a presumption of legality in favour of conduct which