Search results
the pragmatic, progressive civil society that was developing and the tradition-bound institutional church that sought to retain its authority. One of the central concerns over the practices of physicians revolved around the inequities suffered by patients. Episcopal leaders, feeling that charity toward the poor and ill was essential, worried that the appeal of compensation from wealthier patients would drive physicians to neglect the needs of the poor. However, they also worried that poor patients would then seek out the services of ‘folk
the sixteenth century or, in other words, too few bishops prepared to pursue God’s interests.32 Once Protestant ideas began to filter into France from the 1520s, the reformers saw the need to remedy the episcopate’s ills as especially pressing. Part of their response to the anti-episcopal stance of French Protestants was to emphasise the necessity for bishops within the institutional church and for successful reform with even greater urgency. Their plan of campaign was uncompromising: they agreed that episcopal residence was vital, and believed that the major
society towards religion.87 There has never been an appetite in Irish thought, whether on the part of civic republicans or otherwise, either to strictly exclude religion from public life or to create a categorical constitutional barrier between the State and organised religion. Nonetheless, one of the aims of the United Irishmen’s insurrection had been the creation of ‘a society [where] the linkage between confessional affiliation and political power would be broken’. 88 We have argued that this general aim cannot be considered independently of the institutional Church
into Civil War during the early 1640s. Then as now a run at the bishops presaged a run at the king; then as now the collapse of licensing allowed the puritans to mobilise the mob behind fears of ‘popery and arbitrary government’; and then as now those puritan claims to defend the realm from ‘popery’ cloaked their doing the pope’s work, collapsing the realm into disorder and weakening the central institutions (church and Crown) which history showed to be the best defence against Antichrist. 49 Puritanism and
historically embraced and propagated a patriarchal Catholicism. They supported and collaborated with the male institutional power of the Holy See, and their own local ecclesiastical hierarchy. Historian Phil Kilroy writes of the institutional church ‘colonizing’ women religious: religious communities were ‘offered security on condition of submission and cooperation. If women religious complied they were rewarded, given status, and they were expected to execute all the policies of the colonizer. If they objected they were silenced or cast out, certainly side-lined.’ 15
of the Devil. In Boniface’s account, the resulting clash appears to pit the charismatic leader of a popular cult against the authoritative voice of the hierarchical structures of the institutional Church. Adalbert has thus become a figure of interest for modern historians wishing to trace a strain of social protest against ecclesiastical institutions, or to find a popular religion which stood
and Passion would be spent ‘living’ their rule and constitutions. Further changes could be recommended by the congregation, and once these were approved, the congregation would receive juridic status. The rule and constitutions were an important source of authority for congregations and women religious. It was the rule and constitution that women religious first turned to in a dispute with a local bishop. The authority to act with or react against official representatives of the institutional church, be it a bishop or a member of the clergy, was found in the
membership included Anglicans, Catholics and Nonconformists. Notably, the Society represented an attempt to move away from the dogmatism of the contemporary institutional Church, including the Unitarian Church itself. One of the founding members of this Society was J. M. Lloyd Thomas (1868–1955), known today for his abridgement of Baxter’s Reliquiae, who described Baxter as a saint of ‘seraphic ardour of devotion’. Like Stanley he also regarded Baxter as a prophet for the twentieth century, standing for a ‘Catholicism against all sects’.79 Indeed, he called Baxter ‘a
testing stereotypes. Such patterns of cross-Channel interaction became common further south along the French Atlantic coast, from Normandy to the French Basque Country (and also inland, around Pau). Wherever groups of British holidaymakers and expatriates settled and clustered, they imported their own institutions (churches, chapels, golf and tennis clubs, libraries), but they also mixed with their French neighbours.19 The British influence was to spread to the French Mediterranean with their role in the ‘invention’ of the Côte d’Azur.20 Many coastal resorts across
figure of Veritas.54 This was the proper Catholic subordination of God’s word to truth revealed by the institutional church, which had exercised Gardiner in 1546.55 According to John Elder’s letter Sapientia descended to crown both Philip and Mary; however, the verses below read ‘If Wisdome then him with hir crowne endue,/He governe shal the whole world prosperously’.56 In one of the Italian pamphlets commemorating the event, La solemne et felice intrata, a young virgin enthroned delivers the crown received to Philip, as the verses suggest: ‘From a heaven above held up