Qatar's policy direction of supporting Islamist militants occurred at the time of an intended and attempted US withdrawal from the military theaters under the Barak Obama administration, including the signing of the Iran Nuclear Deal.
In the Horn, the policy included economic projects as well as support for further militant radicalism. Why did Turkey and its single Gulf partner, Qatar, pursue this kind of regional, hyperactivist foreign policy in support of militancy, including their
Syria against Syrian Kurds, US allies against ISIL, have likely already frozen prospects for further progress toward EU membership.
Meanwhile, Ankara has actively pursued closer working relationships with Russia and Islamic nations, including Iran. Frustrations with the stalled EU negotiations have served as one of the motivations – or excuses – for Erdoğan to pursue closer ties with Russia, despite recent serious tensions with Moscow. Visits to Ankara by the chiefs of the Iranian and Russian general staffs indicate that they have overcome tensions caused by Turkey
critiquing my own
privileged position as consumer and ‘coloniser’ of place.
To work with another poet, as I have with Iranian-Australian Ali Alizadeh,
translating poetry from a culture I have largely been ‘outside’, is a liberating
experience that co-polysituates both parties, and the texts being translated
(though maybe not the poets … however, we had some feedback that suggested
a sense of sharing that may have been polysituated for them, too). Further on in
this section, I explore this collaboration and also look at translating work from a
different period and culture
An important moment for strategic action on collective
Jamil N. Jaffer
and provide a
significant security gain to both countries, while also creating a joint
bulwark against key regional-threat players, including China and North Korea, as well as
external actors that are generally hostile to American interests, including India’s
erstwhile ally, Russia, and one of its key energy suppliers, Iran.
The burgeoning U.S.–India strategic partnership: opportunities
and potential challenges
The economics of the U.S.–India relationship
There is little question that the current
The police also received more and more detailed information about the smuggling of Turkish and Iranian opium from Marseilles to the Netherlands, decades before the infamous ‘French Connection’ transporting heroin from Asia to the United States.
Other key transit hubs on the opium routes were the ports of Amsterdam and Rotterdam. In 1927 the British representative in the League of Nations Opium Advisory Committee identified these ports as central
This volume explores the complex nature of interactions between states in the Persian Gulf and their counterparts in the Horn of Africa. Focusing on the nature of interregional connections between the Gulf and the Horn; it explores the multifaceted nature of relations between two increasingly important subregions. Bringing together scholars focusing on both regions; the book offers a rigorous analysis of the changing nature of relations between the different subregions and also the complexity of competition within each subregion. Considering strategic competition between Saudi Arabia and Iran; along with international engagement such as joint anti-piracy operations; counterterrorism cooperation; shipping routes; and economic development; the volume provides valuable insight into the strategic importance of these interactions. Drawing on a range of subject expertise and field research across case study countries; the volume adds to the sparse literature on the regional and international politics of the Horn of Africa and Red Sea; gleaning specific insights through contemporary reflections across the book.
Andrew Denham, Andrew S. Roe-Crines, and Peter Dorey
continued to call for peaceful solutions in Libya, Syria, and a more balanced dialogue with Iran. As a consequence of this focus, he was never regarded as a serious contender for a position at the frontline of British politics.
However, through a process of changes to the leadership selection rules following Labour’s return to opposition in 2010, a door was opened by which a contender from the left of the party could be in a competitive position for the leadership. Those changes were precipitated by the Falkirk scandal, and the need for the incumbent leader, Ed Miliband
This text aims to fill a gap in the field of Middle Eastern political studies by combining international relations theory with concrete case studies. It begins with an overview of the rules and features of the Middle East regional system—the arena in which the local states, including Egypt, Turkey, Iran, Israel and the Arab states of Syria, Jordan and Iraq, operate. The book goes on to analyse foreign-policy-making in key states, illustrating how systemic determinants constrain this policy-making, and how these constraints are dealt with in distinctive ways depending on the particular domestic features of the individual states. Finally, it goes on to look at the outcomes of state policies by examining several major conflicts including the Arab-Israeli conflict and the Gulf War, and the system of regional alignment. The study assesses the impact of international penetration in the region, including the historic reasons behind the formation of the regional state system. It also analyses the continued role of external great powers, such as the United States and the former Soviet Union, and explains the process by which the region has become incorporated into the global capitalist market.
The book explores Carter’s human rights policy and its contradictory impact on
US–Soviet affairs. It argues that the administration envisioned its approach to
the Soviet Union as moving along two interdependent tracks that were supposed to
form a “virtuous circle”. On the one side, the United States aimed to renew its
ideological challenge to the USSR through human rights and to persuade the
Soviets to ease internal repression in order to strengthen Congressional support
for détente and arms control. On the other, continuing the bipolar dialogue, the
administration aimed to promote human rights further in the USSR. Contrary to
what he envisioned, Carter was caught between Scylla and Charybdis. The more
vigorously the White House pursued human rights in bipolar relations, the more
the Soviets lost interest in détente; the more the administration relegated
human rights to quiet diplomacy, the more critics within the United States
accused the president of abandoning his commitment to human rights. Trapped in
this contradiction, Carter’s human rights policy did not build domestic support
for arms control and worsened bipolar relations. In the end, the White House
lost the opportunity to stabilize bipolar relations and the domestic support
Carter had managed to garner in 1976. Critics of détente, helped by the Iran
hostage crisis and the Soviet invasion of Afghanistan, defeated him.
This edited collection surveys how non-Western states have responded to the threats of domestic and international terrorism in ways consistent with and reflective of their broad historical, political, cultural and religious traditions. It presents a series of eighteen case studies of counterterrorism theory and practice in the non-Western world, including countries such as China, Japan, India, Pakistan, Egypt and Brazil. These case studies, written by country experts and drawing on original-language sources, demonstrate the diversity of counterterrorism theory and practice and illustrate that how the world ‘sees’ and responds to terrorism is different from the way that the United States, the United Kingdom and many European governments do. This volume – the first ever comprehensive account of counterterrorism in the non-Western world – will be of interest to students, scholars and policymakers responsible for developing counterterrorism policy.