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Abstract only
Scott Wilson

informed American politics throughout the same period that is both echoed and contested by the featured rap/metal artists. While the book is subdivided into eleven chapters, they can be clustered into the following broad sections. Supercapitalism It is the system of supercapitalism that is the immanent economic modality of an unmatched superpower, what Jacques Chirac called the hyperpuissance of America, that provides both the focus and the context for this book on American negativity and rap/metal. In supercapitalism, economy is an expression of war just as war is a

in Great Satan’s rage
Open Access (free)
Party system change and electoral prospects
Gilles Ivaldi

. In the first round of the presidential election, the FN has reached its electoral apex by polling 16.9 per cent of the total vote, which allowed its leader to stand in the second round against the outgoing President Jacques Chirac. Together with Mégret’s score of 2.3 per cent, the combined total for the far right added up to 19.2 per cent. In 35 of the 96 metropolitan departments, Le Pen came ahead of the candidates of the mainstream left and right, and achieved a 20 per cent threshold in over 28 per cent of the 555 metropolitan constituencies. In the second round

in The French party system
Open Access (free)
From idealism to pragmatism (1984–2002)
Bruno Villalba and Sylvie Vieillard-Coffre

left 3.6 per cent in 1997) but the Greens lost four deputies from their 1997 total of seven. The instability of the Green vote weakens the party’s competitiveness and in 2002 particularly opened it to the problems of high abstention and tactical voting. The back-to-back timetabling of the elections helped to minimise the importance of the ecology vote in a context where the right was mobilising for a presidential majority in the National Assembly to put Jacques Chirac’s programme into action. Within the left, the absence of Lionel Jospin from the second round of the

in The French party system
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Karagöz’s cultural and linguistic migration
Annedith Schneider

reference to Jacques Chirac’s infamous comments in 1991 concerning an ‘overdose’ of immigrants, whom he stereotypically described as having too many children, making too much noise and cooking foods with odours offensive to their French neighbours (Le Puill 1991). Beyond such easy targets as exploitative employers and anti-immigrant political rhetoric, Yıldız’s plays represent a further step, in that they also call on immigrants to think critically about their own attitudes and behaviour. Such a self-critique may suggest another opening for immigrant communities. The

in Turkish immigration, art and narratives of home in France
Abstract only
Joseph McGonagle

later qualified their support for some ethnic minority causes (Blatt 1997). The mid-1980s saw the Socialist government adopt a change of tone. Faced with the electoral success of the far-right National Introduction 5 Front party and right-wing politicians competing on an antiimmigration platform, financial incentives to encourage migrants settled in France to return to their country of origin were reinstated in 1984 and new restrictions were introduced on family reunions. Later, the election of Jacques Chirac as Prime Minister of a centre-right government in 1986

in Representing ethnicity in contemporary French visual culture
Piers Robinson, Peter Goddard, Katy Parry, Craig Murray, and Philip M. Taylor

highlight the deceptive nature of the Iraqi regime (Prime Minister’s Office, 2003), but this was rapidly discredited as the ‘dodgy dossier’ when it was found that parts had been plagiarised from a PhD thesis discussing events following the 1991 Gulf War. Meanwhile, Britain and the USA pressed for a second UN resolution that would formally sanction an invasion. However, French president Jacques Chirac announced on 10 March that France would veto any such resolution, denying UN support to any military action against Iraq. The American public favoured an invasion (Benedetto

in Pockets of resistance
Marcel H. Van Herpen

. 333. 4 These were Presidents Valéry Giscard d’Estaing, Jacques Chirac, François Hollande, and Emmanuel Macron, and Prime Ministers Laurent Fabius, Édouard Balladur, Alain Juppé, Lionel Jospin, Dominique de Villepin, and Édouard Philippe. 5 Jean-Claude Barreau, De l’immigration en général et de la nation française en particulier (Paris: Le Pré aux Clercs, 1992), p. 114. 6 “Suppression de l’ENA: Bayrou sous le feu des critiques,” Les Échos , 3 April 2007. 7 Olivier Saby, Promotion Ubu Roi , with the collaboration of Christophe Quillien (Paris

in The end of populism
Côte d’Ivoire between refondation and Houphouët’s legacy
Kathrin Heitz

when the French president, Jacques Chirac, ordered the destruction of the Ivoirian Air Force in November 2004, after Gbagbo broke the cease-fire and bombarded French positions, leaving nine French peace-keepers dead. Moreover, to add another instance, the French military shot into a crowd of Ivoirian protesters during tensions.8 In this view, decolonisation had not been a true change of relationships between France and Côte d’Ivoire; but a transfer of power to a moderate elite under the leadership of Houphouët-Boigny. Certainly, both tales contain elements of ‘truths

in Francophone Africa at fifty
François Burgat

, Face to Face with Political Islam . 12 Pasqua was then interior minister (1993–5) in the government headed by Jacques Chirac (1993–5) under the presidency of François Mitterrand. 13 An unprecedented episode in world diplomatic history illustrates this well—and remains surprisingly little known. In September 1966, Nasser summoned the entire government of the Republic whose painful birth he had midwifed, using the forceps of military intervention. He was wary of the team led by Ahmed Mohammed Nu’man, whom he

in Understanding Political Islam
François Burgat

—conspicuously boycott his guest, flying in the face of the basic courtesy owed to one who came brandishing an official invitation. In this case as in others, opposition voices had raised the alarm very early on. They were no more listened to than the voices that rang out from the prisons of many of “our Arab allies.” In this respect, the tone of all too real French realpolitik —unconditional support for Arab dictators—had been set long before. Declarations by President Jacques Chirac in 2003 set a tone starkly lacking in humanism. On a visit to Tunis in

in Understanding Political Islam