Search results

You are looking at 41 - 47 of 47 items for :

  • "Julius Caesar" x
  • Manchester Literature Studies x
  • Refine by access: All content x
Clear All
Mark Robson

Cicero may be traced further back to a lost text by Julius Caesar, De Analogia , as Jonson’s own marginal note indicates. Yet it is this very lack of what we would now call (in a thoroughly post-romantic fashion) ‘originality’ that makes these passages of particular interest here. Such distancing from the authority of an authorial presence is part of the attraction of the

in The sense of early modern writing
Ralegh and the call to arms
Andrew Hiscock

Kempe, The Education of Children (1588), sig. D1r. This contention might be compared with that of Ralegh himself: ‘it is well knowne, that Rome (or perhaps all the world besides) had never nay so brave a Commander in war as Julius Caesar: and that no Roman armie was comparable unto that which served under the same Caesar.’ See History, 19 I am indebted for these references to Rapple, Martial Heroism, 80–1. 20 For an age which had been profoundly (and violently) exercised by a prolonged interrogation of Early Stuart sovereignty, an indication of Ralegh

in Literary and visual Ralegh
Syrithe Pugh

Chapters 1 and 2 – Vives’ identification of Daphnis as Christ and Servius’ identification of Daphnis as Julius Caesar. In his hymn to the newly deified Daphnis, Virgil’s Menalcas institutes a cult, teaching his community how to worship the new god. (More than half of his song (ll. 65–80) is devoted to the altars he will set up and the annual feasts he will institute in Daphnis’ honour.) In this he resembles Colin, especially when viewed through the lens of Vives’ Christian interpretation, by which Daphnis is in fact the same god represented by Colin’s Cupid under a

in Spenser and Virgil
Abstract only
Writing for the stage in Restoration Dublin
Stephen Austin Kelly

. Notwithstanding her identity as an English playwright, her Dublin play had a particular significance in an Irish context. The setting of Pompey is Egypt in 48 bc, directly after a decisive and bloody civil war battle. Following the disintegration of the First Triumvirate, Julius Caesar has defeated Pompey and is now master of the Roman world. The location of the play is of particular relevance to its reading in an Anglo-Irish context: Egypt is a client kingdom of Rome that later became a colony. It would be easy for Dubliners to detect p ­ arallels   9 Ibid., pp. 74–5. 10

in Dublin
Milton and the Restoration
Warren Chernaik

office of a King, His Honour, Vertue, Merit and chief Praise That for the Publick all this weight he bears. Yet he who reigns within himself, and rules Passions, Desires, and Fears, is more a King –​ Which every wise and vertuous man attains; And who attains not, ill aspires to rule Cities of men, or headstrong Multitudes, Subject himself to Anarchy within, Or lawless passions in him which he serves.63 Satan then turns to glory, prowess in arms, holding up for emulation such great classical figures as Alexander, Scipio, Pompey and Julius Caesar, ‘whom now all the

in From Republic to Restoration
Republicanism,exclusion, and the name of king in Nathaniel Lee’s Lucius Junius Brutus
Lisanna Calvi

, And bear her body in your battle’s front. (I.209–​15) This display of stage eloquence was undoubtedly played to good effect by Betterton and provides evidence of Lee’s admiration for and debt to Shakespeare’s Roman plays, especially Julius Caesar. Yet, the substance of Brutus’s argumentation against Tarquin is resoundingly Miltonic and suggestively republican. Brutus assumes  –​as John Milton did  –​that royal power is based upon an original covenant between the people and a worthy individual who, ‘for the eminence of his wisdom’ may be ‘call’d 313 314 From

in From Republic to Restoration
Abstract only
Sukanta Chaudhuri

there is a strong suggestion that the dead shepherd is an actual person, most likely a ruler or general (perhaps Julius Caesar). The ten eclogues together create the sense of an integrated shepherd community as Theocritus’ disjunct pastoral idylls do not; but no less the sense that the community actually addressed by the poet belongs to his contemporary Rome. Virgil’s eclogues have become so encased in commentary that we cannot break free from the heavily allusive readings of medieval and Renaissance scholiasts, even if we do not agree with all the allusions or cannot

in A Companion to Pastoral Poetry of the English Renaissance