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1 sex workers who have violently lost their lives. It further promotes the recognition of sex workers’ human rights, including the constitutional rights to healthcare, justice, labour law protection and, of course, freedom from violence. The campaign serves as an important curative in the global feminist discourse on sexual and gender-based violence (SGBV) – such as the #MeToo movement/moment – as it brings to the fore the all too often marginalised voices of African womxn sex workers. In this chapter, former SWEAT
undergoing a particularly vicious reaction against progressive politics and identity politics. Social media offers an outlet and rallying cry for white men who feel disempowered by a world whose ‘future is female’. Their fights over the meaning of masculinity are often catalysed by the emotionalised bodies and objects they meet online. The response to the Gillette advert in early 2019 is a case in point. Linking itself with the #MeToo movement, the advert asserts: ‘We Believe: the Best Men Can Be’, reinventing the shaving product’s slogan ‘The Best a Man Can Get’, to
, and sense of injustice; for instance, she may use her skills as a female to flatter men to gain advantage. Or, she be aware of the 2-D bias and somehow consider it inevitable because of reification, which we will come to in the next two chapters. Social change as resonance The idea of consciousness-raising does not reproduce the false-versus-true-consciousness dichotomy, yet it covers some of the same underlying intellectual territory. There is no foundational truth claim here. The #MeToo movement has not found an irrefutable Truth. Rather, a number of social
contingent, e.g. representations of diversity and approaches to canon. A further challenge to any ‘intentional’ assumption lies in the fact that a long-running franchise such as Doctor Who can attain analytically discernible ‘historical moments’ of its own only through an array of dialogues with other aspects of prevailing cultural contexts. Thus, the casting of a white female Doctor and the narrative introduction of a female Doctor-of-colour have both intersected with the cultural politics of the #MeToo Era and the Black
countered the reactionary tendencies of prudish anti-porn harridans—and not without reason. Catharine MacKinnon and Andrea Dworkin’s ill-conceived cooperation with the Reagan-era Moral Majority irreparably tarnished their reputations and set back the fight against violence against women. Carole Vance correctly connected conservatism’s co-option of the anti-pornography fight to the culture wars of the 1990s. 5 Yet as the #MeToo movement today exposes the sheer pervasiveness of image-based sexual abuse, workplace harassment, and men’s rape of women, the canonical view of
a social actor gives up some desired goal because of a refusal to confirm-structure some Y-status (Israel-as-a-state, in this case) there is always an appeal to self-sacrifice and principle. In this spirit, the Iranian Youth and Sports Ministry commented upon Karimi as follows: ‘Your noble and heroic action in the world competition in Poland, abandoning the medal and podium in support of the highest human values, is a source of pride and praise’ (Haaretz 2018 ). To take a different example, with regard to economic resources, the #MeToo movement has
the issue of misogyny in America. For very many American women, the experiences of Peggy Olson, Betty Draper, and Joan Holloway will be painfully familiar today, as in recent history. The show’s title, a pun on working on Madison Avenue, speaks to the male anger that persists in the present and which has been particularly politically important since 2016. As the writer Matthew Gilbert has succinctly put it, ‘before #metoo there was Mad Men’. 17 While the show covered many significant topics, none were so big as the insidiousness of sexism and the illustration of a
, and many described a ‘click experience’ as separate pieces of knowledge and experience fell into place (Tobias, 1997 :5, 192). Since 1970, the concept has been developed by a number of feminist writers, and heavily criticised by others; at the beginning of the twenty-first century it was somewhat out of favour, but today it is quite widely used in popular discussion of #MeToo or the gender pay gap. While it can be used carelessly, or to make over-inflated claims, I believe that the concept of patriarchy continues to provide critical insights that can and should
, there remain challenges in extending the language and practice of equality, especially when faced with public policy prescriptions for austerity and global geo-political uncertainties (Durbin et al. , 2017 ). Furthermore, while the recent ‘MeToo’ movement (#MeToo online campaign) renders a promising example of global solidarity among females against sexual harassment and violence, it has also foregrounded the profound failure of organisational structures and legislation to shield women from abuse, and uncovered the pervading fear which often prevents them from
forward an image of gender relations that is not only incorrect, but that has helped foster a culture broadly sympathetic to women and derisive of men. The level of support and attention given to issues which concentrate on the gendered discrimination/abuse faced by women (for example #MeToo and institutional sexism) does not reflect the existence of that abuse, but the success and dominance of feminism. The prevailing consensus on these sites is that the forces of political correctness and feminism have already won in a battle against free speech, by controlling