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Michael Taft

.g. a dedicated Oireachtas Committee). As well, there is a need to provide greater funding for public enterprise as, currently, investment can only be carried out through retained earnings and debt-financing. Nor does public enterprise have to be confined to the traditional Minister-as-shareholder model. There are a range of public sector-led enterprise strategies34 that could be pursued: municipal enterprises (in effect, public enterprises owned by local/regional governments); community enterprises (owned by local communities through traditional share-holdings or

in Ireland under austerity
Michael Rush

’s analysis suggested that men had ‘jumped ship’ on formal fatherhood. On the other hand, Irish epistemology suggested that fathers were excluded or pushed into a form of social exclusion by an unsupportive welfare regime and were ostracised by the constitutional status quo (Constitutional Review Group, 1996:325; Ferguson and Hogan, 2004). The elevated status of marriage in the Anglo-Saxon regimes, which in the contemporary era was boosted in the USA by the PRWORA (1996) and boosted in Ireland by the The All-Party Oireachtas Committee on the Constitution, Tenth Progress

in Between two worlds of father politics
Chris McInerney

Oireachtas committees; a Senior Officials Group on Social Inclusion; The Towards 2016 Partnership Steering Group on Social Inclusion; the Office for Social Inclusion; the National Economic and Social Development Office (including the NESC and the NESF); the National Development Plan Monitoring Committee; the Combat Poverty Agency; the Local Government Social Inclusion Steering Committee; County/City 154 Challenging times, challenging administration Development Boards; Social Inclusion Units in government departments and ‘in half of all city/county local authorities by

in Challenging times, challenging administration
Abstract only
The Conference of Religious in Ireland (Justice Commission)
Joe Larragy

forthcoming agreement, the PCW (Hastings, et al. 2007: 152). The making of submissions prior to the social partnership talks became an established pattern, and was acknowledged in the PCW (1993). There is little evidence that these submissions had much influence, particularly in relation to any real progress in relation to social welfare, which was the key issue for CORI Justice (as indeed for the INOU, as noted in Chapter 6). This began to change following two consultation initiatives – the short-­lived Joint Oireachtas Committee on Employment (1992) and the more enduring

in Asymmetric engagement
Abstract only
The National Women’s Council of Ireland
Joe Larragy

exclusion from the process, the NWCI had ‘continued to lobby on  prioritised issues, through well-­supported campaigns,  submissions to Government, and participation on relevant  policy committees’  (National Women’s Council of Ireland Annual Report 2005: 10). The National Women’s Council of Ireland 205 Despite its exclusion from social partnership, the Council was actively engaged with government over a promised National Women’s Strategy during 2005, contributing to ‘policymaking  bodies and Oireachtas committees’.  In 2005, an Interdepartmental Committee, lead by the

in Asymmetric engagement
Bernadette Connaughton

that appoints the Director General, board of directors and advisory committee members of the EPA which tends to exclude rather than develop a distinctive role for the Oireachtas committee system. As noted, the role of the organisation and the legislation underpinning it will be reviewed in the period 2007–12. The policing component of the EPA’s role has already been strengthened by the establishment of the OEE, largely prompted by pressure from the European Commission due to Ireland’s numerous infringements. But it is not really a separate entity since it is an

in Europeanisation and new patterns of governance in Ireland
Elaine A. Byrne

comment on the Tribunal findings. Prompted by Ward’s resignation, the Briscoe incident and recent convictions for Seanad bribery, the Taoiseach sought to legislate for political standards in the context of a Privileges Act.75 A resolution for a Joint Oireachtas Committee passed the Dáil and Seanad in 1947 which was to consider advice and report on: (1) the powers and privileges of the Oireachtas (2) the limitations and obligations on members concerning their external activities and conduct, and (3) the procedures, method for investigation and penalties in connection

in Political corruption in Ireland, 1922–2010
Joe McGrath

courts may disclose information or report suspected offences to the ODCE and these bodies increasingly work together on matters of mutual interest (ODCE, 2014: 20–2). However, they can also be fiercely independent and can only be held accountable in limited ways. For example, in accordance with the Company Law Enforcement Act 2001, the Director of Corporate Enforcement (DCE) could be appointed for a five-year term (s. 8) and was only accountable to the extent that the DCE was required to submit an annual report and account to Oireachtas committees if requested to do so

in Corporate and white-collar crime in Ireland
Paul Sargent

amendments to the Children Act 2001 proposed in the Criminal Justice Bill 2004. In particular, they were highly critical of the use of ASBOs to deal with ‘anti-­social behaviour’. ASBOs had been introduced by the Labour government in the UK in 1998 to deal with ‘low-­level behaviour’ that would not normally result in a criminal prosecution. Their introduction in the UK was highly controversial and met with significant opposition from human rights campaigners. In an oral submission to the Joint Oireachtas Committee on Justice, Equality and Women’s Rights on 28 March 2006

in Wild Arabs and savages
Tuairim, the government and the Oireachtas
Tomás Finn

.citizensinformationboard.ie, accessed on 5 december 2008. each deputy has also been given an office and secretarial assistance. See also maccarthaigh, Accountability, pp. 239, 95; Whyte, Dáil deputies, pp. 16–19. for example, gallagher and komito, ‘The constituency role of dáil deputies’, p. 258. See michael laver, A new electoral system for Ireland? (dublin: policy institute and all party oireachtas committee on the constitution, 1998); maccarthaigh, Accountability, pp. 97–152. See also Sinnott, ‘The rules of the electoral game’, pp. 120–2. dáil Éireann debates, vol. 220, col. 744, ‘military

in Tuairim, intellectual debate and policy formulation