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Minkin noted Gaitskell had ‘helped to heal the breach within the party which he himself had done so much to create’ and in doing so he ‘strengthened his position as leader’ making him ‘independent even of the faction which had protected him’ over Clause IV and unilateralism (Minkin, 1978: 232). 32 Timothy Heppell and Thomas McMeeking His rhetoric on the Common Market highlighted how it did not cut down the clear left–right continuum of Labour’s political thought, and that it divided the revisionist and ‘so-called’ Gaitskellite grouping (Meredith, 2008: 2). When
educators of the general public. This chapter presents a broad overview of Laroui’s political thought that turns around the axis of historicism: the notion that the rules of historical change are singular and universal and that their adequate comprehension gives the human subject a measure of control over historical processes.10 It is, as Laroui simplifies it in an interview, ‘the theory of history as a general, objective process that is not specific to this race or that region, to this culture or to that language, and that is governed by laws of change operating
-Scottish Union in particular, a much more in-depth and forensic engagement with the ideas of Scottish nationalism is badly needed. The advocates of Scottish independence have by necessity already spent a long time scrutinising the case for the Union, whatever else might be said about the quality of their political thought. By contrast, many of their opponents have not reckoned with the fact that Scottish nationalist ideas are in fact now highly sophisticated and, crucially, designed to resonate with important beliefs held by the broader British left. These ideas are also too
become ascendant in contemporary conceptions of family life, but sibling ties have become the definitive language for much of current social, religious, and political thought. Siblings’ lived experience coincided with notions of fictive siblinghood – both to those who valorized the unity and equality it represented and to those who worried that it would destabilize ancient hierarchies. Understanding just what it meant to be a sibling at the time when this language began to gain momentum can only help us to understand better the possibilities and pitfalls of familial
legal theory, in which I do not have the necessary competence, but in political philosophy. My focus will be on the logic of the ethical conception, on the normative and other philosophical assumptions, underlying the offence in law of crimes against humanity. I shall be trying to domesticate this concept within the domain of political thought, and by doing this to clarify it for a wider audience. For in a large and still growing literature about it, the contribution of political philosophers has so far been relatively sparse, the main input having been from writers
68 3 Jean-François Drolet Carl Schmitt and the American century This chapter offers an exegesis of the US foreign policy narrative nested in the political thought of the German jurist Carl Schmitt (1888–1985). Along with his friend Martin Heidegger (1889–1976), Schmitt is one of the most controversial thinkers of the twentieth century. His career as a legal theorist and public intellectual defies the sort of short, snappy introduction that has come to be expected of academic writers in our contemporary publishing culture. So let me instead begin by stating
and the decision makers. The French and American revolutions reshaped republicanism by removing its monarchical and aristocratic tendencies and applying it to whole nations rather than just small states or communities, as well as attaching modern democratic principles, such as freedom, interdependence and civic virtue to collectively provide the foundations of liberty, equality and fraternity, which are discussed further below. Principles and aspirations Republican political thought goes far deeper than a form of government in which sovereignty rests with the people
Essex’s ambitions to ‘become an other Henry the 4 th ’. 4 Essex’s circle has also been strongly associated with the English manifestation of broader intellectual trends: the political thought associated with Roman history, especially Tacitus, which electrified European literati in the later sixteenth century, and the directed reading of history with a serious political purpose
decade of the 1970s, and see how the crisis of his political thought drove him close to despair, but also stimulated him to think in highly innovative ways. The fourth and final part of the book considers Thompson’s last years, which were marked by both unprecedented public fame and intellectual decline. The book’s conclusion argues that Thompson’s political and intellectual failures were inextricably connected to his successes, and that both his failures and his triumphs make him an urgently relevant figure in the twenty-first century. I began researching this book in
anyone over the age of forty from speaking for the first ten minutes after the end of a paper. There were some painful silences. Given the high level of intellectual exchange and the concentration of like-minded scholars around the Institute at this time, one can see why the prospect of leaving London seemed so unappealing. Janet Nelson’s concern with how ideology, ritual and political thought might be