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and rotting gutters, windows and front doors. So the residents decided to publish these images in a series of ‘PFI street tours’ newsletters (figure 5.1) that, through social media, targeted the ruling Labour councillors representing the areas in question. Each newsletter asked a simple but effective question: why was Islington paying nearly £40 million a year to a company that appeared to be leaving the council’s homes – many listed buildings – in such visible disrepair? By 2016, Partners and Islington had clearly had enough of being held to account by elected
to get past his stern and rigid guard. He made it clear that he preferred the long-form and in-depth engagement of an academic over self-aggrandising bloggers, whom he seemed to despise, along with any and all social media. Irrespective of Cornelius’ views as shipowner, I’d have to ensure the master of the ship would be happy for me to be there as a participant observer. The next day, after the First Officer arrived, I formally told the crew my reason for being aboard: research. Several veteran crew had encountered
, businesses and representatives of intergovernmental organisations (IOs)) and four Chinese academics. Apart from the formal, semi-structured, and mostly recorded interviews, I also conducted many informal face-to-face conversations, interviews over social media, and maintained correspondence with NGO leaders, migrant workers coming to these NGOs, FAs and academics in China – in some cases long after I had finished my participant observation part of the fieldwork – which brings the total number of interviews to around a hundred. The cities of Beijing
From the BWH files (Case no. 214/2011), translated from the Chinese original by myself. 15 From the BWH files (Case no. 279/2011), translated from the Chinese original by myself. 16 Personal communication via social media (Interview no. 48) with the founder of JM on 24 April 2012, in Chinese