their position. The VietnamWar and
the student protests of the 1960s and 1970s brought about a particularly intense
questioning of the meaning of educational and cultural diplomacy, with special relevance for Australian and American exchanges. But these questions had preoccupied
some scholars and administrators to some degree from the beginning of the program.10
Finding a connection to people regardless of their government was one of the benefits
returning scholars lauded. Examining ambassadorial expectations for those receiving
awards, and what scholars have made of
From January to April 1965 the
character of the Wilson–Johnson relationship traversed the spectrum
from discord to cordiality. Discord erupted over the VietnamWar when Wilson
telephoned Washington in the early hours of 11 February to suggest to
Johnson an urgent visit to the White House. Wilson later claimed that he
wanted to see the President to try to ensure that there was no dangerous
Vietnamese refugees (about 2,000 of whom were so-called ‘boat people’)
by the mid-1980s in the wake of the VietnamWar (in which, as noted, Australia
was a combatant) was a conspicuous indication of the passing into history of White
Of course, legal changes did not mean an end to public debates and ideological
undercurrents surrounding Australia’s positioning in an Asian context, especially
given long-standing anxiety over what had often been described as the ‘Yellow Peril’.
The ‘Australia for the White Man’ banner of the politically influential and popular
more overtly Marxist approach than had been part of the New Left tradition. From 1966 onwards, key SDS figures like Mike Klonsky and Mark Rudd were already adopting Marxist critiques of American society to advocate dismantling capitalism, which they saw as the root cause of the VietnamWar, race oppression, and poverty. 20 Criticizing the narrow socio-political viewpoint of the SDS, Klonsky wrote in “Towards a Revolutionary Youth Movement”:
The notion that we must remain simply “an anti-imperialist student organization” is no longer viable. The nature of our
. Having inherited a bloated military establishment, Kennedy wanted
someone who would tame America’s industrial-military complex.
JFK was not disappointed. His new secretary for defence tore through the
Pentagon like a tornado, dismantling fiefdoms, weeding out waste and redundancy, and, for the first time, holding the military to account. Using statistics
and charts, McNamara was determined to extract value out of every dollar
While his reforms of the US military succeeded, McNamara’s reputation suffered when America became mired in the disastrous VietnamWar
Britain’s imperial claim, with Hong Kong as a base for
China-watching – the Consulate in Hong Kong was the United
States’ largest one for this very reason – and as a VietnamWar-era destination for US soldiers on leave. 39
In addition to these global influences, the British
cultural engagement with Hong Kong has to be situated within the
colony’s demographic change
relationship between vampire and war in
novels, films and short stories from the Crimean War (1853–6),
through to the Russo-Turkish conflict (1877–8), First World War
(1914–18) and up to the VietnamWar (1959–75).
In the act of parasitically feeding off a living body, the
vampire functions as an appropriate trope for the draining effects of
war on the body politic. Just as war lends itself to Gothicisation, as
Working in a World of Hurt uncovers and analyses the range of responses to psychological trauma by male and female medical personnel in wartime in the 20th and early 21st centuries. Until now, academic and popular studies have focused on the trauma experienced by soldiers and civilians, saying very little about the mental strain endured by their healers. Acton & Potter seek to understand the subjective experiences of British, American and Canadian doctors, nurses, and other medical workers by studying personal accounts contained in letters, diaries and memoirs, both published and unpublished, and in weblogs. Offering an interdisciplinary understanding across a large chronological sweep of both the medical experience and the literary history of war, Working a World of Hurt demonstrates that while these narratives are testaments to the suffering of combatants, they also bear witness to the trauma of the healers themselves whose responses range from psychological and physical breakdown to stoical resilience and pride in their efforts to assuage the wounds of war.
This book recounts the history of the Fulbright Program in Australia, locating academic exchange in the context of US cultural diplomacy and revealing a complex relationship between governments, publicly funded research and the integrity of academic independence. The study is the first in-depth analysis of the Fulbright exchange program in a single country. Drawing on previously unexplored archives and a new oral history, the authors investigate the educational, political and diplomatic challenges experienced by Australian and American scholars who won awards and those who managed the complex bi-national program. The book begins with the scheme’s origins, moves through its Australian establishment during the early Cold War, Vietnam War dilemmas, civil rights and gender parity struggles and the impacts of mid-to-late twentieth century belt-tightening. How the program’s goal of ‘mutual understanding’ was understood and enacted across six decades lies at the heart of the book, which weaves institutional and individual experiences together with broader geopolitical issues. Bringing a complex and nuanced analysis to the Australia–US relationship, the authors offer fresh insights into the global influence of the Fulbright Program. It is a compelling account of academic exchange as cultural diplomacy. It offers a critical appraisal of Fulbright achievements and limitations in avoiding political influence, integrating gender and racial diversity, absorbing conflict and dissent, and responding to economic fluctuations and social change.
This book is based mainly on government sources, namely material from the White House, State Department, Foreign Office (FO), Foreign and Commonwealth Office (FCO), Prime Minister's Office (PREM) and Cabinet (CAB). Private papers consulted include those of Harold Wilson, Foreign Secretary George Brown and Undersecretary of State George Ball. The book explores a period of the Wilson-Johnson relationship. It considers the seven weeks from Wilson's election until he went to see Lyndon B. Johnson on 7-9 December, a formative period in which Britain cultivated American financial support and which saw pre-summit diplomacy over the NATO Multilateral Force (MLF). The book covers the summit in detail, examining the diplomatic exchanges over the Vietnam War, the British commitment East of Suez and the MLF, as well as the interplay of personality between Wilson and Johnson. By exploring the relationship of the two leaders in the years 1964-1968, it seeks to examine their respective attitudes to the Anglo-American relationship. The book then assesses the significance of an alleged Anglo-American strategic-economic 'deal', Wilson's 'Commonwealth Peace Mission' to Vietnam, and another Wilson visit to Washington. It also considers why the personal relationship between Johnson and Wilson suffered such strain when the Labour government 'dissociated' the UK from the latest American measures in Vietnam. Next, the book addresses the period from August 1966-September 1967, during which Wilson launched an intense but abortive effort to initiate peace negotiations over Vietnam, and London announced plans to withdraw from military bases East of Suez.