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Dérives of the Quebec Maple Spring
Marc James Léger

‘gearing up for militarized urban struggles as the front line of class struggle in the years to come.’ 6 This perception is consistent with studies that show how neoliberal regimes have begun to shift policing strategy from that of negotiated management towards criminalisation. According to Leanne Serbulo, the purpose of policing in the wake of anti-globalisation protests is no longer the differentiation between ‘good’ and ‘bad’ protesters, but the incapacitation of demonstrations through the creation of a climate of fear. 7 In the spirit

in Vanguardia
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From tradition to terrorism
Andrew W.M. Smith

explain how the old ideology of 1907 became conflated with a narrative of struggle which pushed winegrowers towards odd alliances with Occitanistes and, eventually, altermondialistes (and other anti-globalisation activists). Political loyalties adapted and became more nuanced after the CRAV had begun to bear arms in 1976, when a shootout between the forces of public order, the Compagnies Républicaines de Sécurité (CRS), and militant vignerons left two dead and some 30 injured. Published in response to this turbulence, La Révolte du Midi, an edited collection of essays

in Terror and terroir
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Imogen Richards

1988, the organisational leader, Osama Bin Laden, posited an anti-globalisation argument for waging jihad against the US, which echoed dominant neo-colonial critiques of anti-globalisation movements active at the time ( Holzapfel and König 2009 ). After 2001, AQ propaganda assumed a broad-based anti-capitalist critique that targeted financialised, non-territorial capital, and relatedly sought to capitalise on the symbolic act of targeting the World Trade Center on 9/11. Immediately after the GFC, Zawahiri and Bin Laden emphasised the domestic US and international

in Neoliberalism and neo-jihadism
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Clowning and mass protest
Alister Wedderburn

of names, including the ‘global justice movement’ (e.g. Bogad, 2016 ), the ‘movement of movements’ (e.g. Harvie, Milburn, Trott et al., 2005 ; Klein, 2002 ) or less charitably the ‘anti-globalisation movement’ 1 – has two intertwining and mutually constitutive purposes. On the one hand, it seeks to challenge the violence that sustains a system in which a handful of national governments claim a global mandate for market-led programmes of development (cf. Blair, 2005 ). On the other, it attempts to create alternative modes of association and affinity that reach

in Humour, subjectivity and world politics
Richard Jackson

dissenting voices are almost never heard. The ‘war on terrorism’ is currently one of a great many kinds of political discourses, and it is attempting – with considerable success – to become hegemonic over alternative discourses, such as pacifist, human rights based, feminist, environmentalist or anti-globalisation discourses. Importantly, discourses, particularly political

in Writing the war on terrorism
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Harry Blutstein

conscious decision by successive generations of architects to build institutions, rules and norms that would spread the rule of law. These formal and informal structures not only made the current era of globalisation unique, but were designed to make the architecture sufficiently robust to protect it from external threats. The ascent of globalisation has certainly not been without its challenges, not least being the Cold War, the Nixon Shock and anti-­globalisation protests that peaked with the Battle of Seattle. But on each occasion, new generations of architects stepped

in The ascent of globalisation
Richard Lapper

simply outraged by police violence or protested issues like the so-called ‘gay cure’, a phoney medical procedure promoted by a couple of evangelical Christian legislators. In many ways, there were parallels with the loosely organised social movements that had influenced anti-globalisation politics of the early 2000s, the Occupy protests that followed the financial crisis of 2007–08, and even the grassroots activities that had toppled one Middle Eastern dictatorship after another during the Arab Spring. Like their counterparts in New York or Cairo, Brazilian

in Beef, Bible and Bullets
Marxism and post-modernity
Paul Blackledge

could best be understood as sharing contrasting relations to the means of production, Harvey defined class as ‘situatedness or positionality in relation to processes of capital accumulation’ – he argued that ‘certain segments of the working class . . . [have] a great deal to lose besides its chains’.39 Despite the pessimistic conclusions that could be drawn from these arguments, Harvey remains hopeful that ‘alternative models of organising’ could be constructed.40 Indeed, he has recently suggested that it is the strength of the ‘anti-globalisation movement’ that it

in Reflections on the Marxist theory of history
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Robert Gildea and Ismee Tames

05/10/2020 08:14 10 fighters across frontiers organisations dedicated to issues of human rights, women’s rights and the environment since the Tlateloco massacre in Mexico City in 1968 stimulated thinking about transnational advocacy networks by Margaret Keck and Kathy Sikkink while the anti-globalisation movement symbolised by the Battle in Seattle against the World Trade Organization in 1999 influenced research on previous transnational resistance movements by the likes of Sidney Tarrow.34 Fourth, the history of memory was used by Josie McLellan to demonstrate

in Fighters across frontiers
Ben Tonra

European Republic or the 203 204 Global citizen and European Republic destabilisation of the European narrative and its substitution by another. A discursive realignment is certainly possible. A synthesis of the Global/European narratives into a postmodern, pacifist, anti-globalisation meta-narrative – an ‘Old Europe’ Ireland – clearly holds some potential. It might stabilise the state’s position within the European Union, placing it close to the Western continental core of the Union. But this could also be compromised by an uncomfortable, overtly missionary profile

in Global citizen and European Republic