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Englishness, pop and The Smiths
Kari Kallioniemi

of demonstrative skinheads,53 and by ‘waving the flag’ Morrissey found himself being associated with far-right politics. The media turned against him, and the 1990s debate about Englishness in pop music was in CAMPBELL PRINT.indd 235 21/09/2010 11:25 236 Englishness, pop and The Smiths part initiated by the backlash against Morrissey. His erstwhile champions54 at the NME jumped on the bandwagon by writing a five-page feature about the concert and condemning Morrissey as a racist,55 casting a long shadow over his whole career and pushing him into commercial and

in Why pamper life's complexities?
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Sarita Malik and Darrell M. Newton

witnessing the rise and visibility of far-right politics and counter-movements in the UK and USA. Simultaneously, there is an urgent need to defend the role of public service media, given its position in the multicultural public sphere.1 This collection emerges at a time when these shifts and conjunctures that impact on and shape how ‘race’ and racial difference are perceived, are coinciding with rapidly changing media contexts and environments and the kinds of racial representations that are constructed within public service broadcasting (PSB). Even in the midst of these

in Adjusting the contrast
The transgressive zine culture of industrial music in the 1970s and 1980s
Benjamin Bland

industrial subgenre an intimidating one to outsiders. This was a movement that was transgressive not only in its musical form but also in its philosophical outlook. As Christopher Partridge has noted, industrial artists took seriously ‘their role as the damned in society and enthusiastically excavated what the modern world had rejected – including occult thought, far-right political discourse and sadistic criminality’.3 This ensured that the industrial scene stood out as a particularly anarchic and nihilistic force in the post-punk musical underground. Unsurprisingly, then

in Ripped, torn and cut
Contradictions and concerns
Valerie Bryson

oppression (points made by Okin, 2000 and Walby, 2011 ). However, campaigns on these issues by western women on behalf of ‘others’ can also distract attention from economic exploitation and from problematic aspects of western culture, including a ‘beauty’ industry that promotes unnecessary procedures that include genital cosmetic surgery. Feminist campaigns can also be co-opted to justify both the pursuit of western economic and political interests and the racist agenda of far-right political groups. Such co-optation was particularly clear in the build-up to the

in The futures of feminism
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Race, postcolonialism and diversity capital
Laura Clancy

… they've fetched up on the same team as the socialists’. 79 Meghan offered the Firm an opportunity to diversify at a time of global political upheaval, and global elites increasingly invested in far-right political projects (such as the Trumps), with which the Firm risks being associated. Meghan offered the Firm a chance to promote itself to new markets, and tap into new sources of (diversity) capital. Her resignation perhaps demonstrates that this was a marketing ploy too far. It is notable that only since her

in Running the Family Firm
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The anatomy of break-up
Stuart Ward

endeavour, and it would be misleading to posit a crude instrumentality between British World historical paradigms and the resurgence of global posturing in the Brexit debate (let alone the reactionary far-right politics of white victimhood). 35 Tamson Pietsch allows for greater subtlety, identifying a ‘tendency to flatten out fissures and frictions’ in the relentless focus on ‘Britishness’, which has

in The break-up of Greater Britain
Open Access (free)
Kevin Harrison and Tony Boyd

, slightly increased his shared of the vote to almost 17 per cent, pushing Lionel Jospin, the Socialist candidate, out of the race altogether. Le Pen’s subsequent defeat in the final vote (gaining only 18 per cent share of the vote) did not remove the impression that fascism had become a major political force in France, giving encouragement to far-right political parties across Europe. This impression was not entirely removed by

in Understanding political ideas and movements
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Renaissance Man in search of a soul
Rowland Wymer

modernity. Like most Englishmen prior to the end of the twentieth century, he elided English with British national identity in a seemingly unproblematic way. The Union Jack signifies England in both Jubilee and The Last of England since at the time he made those films, the flag of St George, the more precise signifier of Englishness, was then still the almost exclusive property of far-right political groups. 21 This elision of

in Derek Jarman
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Mark Doidge, Radosław Kossakowski, and Svenja Mintert

the use of pyrotechnics, abusive chants and banners, and violence. The use of violence has led to the ultras becoming a media folk devil in many countries (Cere, 2002; Marchi, 2005; Doidge, 2015a). Although most groups do not engage in this behaviour, attention has also focused on instances of racism and far-right politics (Testa and Armstrong, 2010; Doidge, 2015a; 2015b). Attempts to regulate these practices have led to a feeling of persecution that manifests itself in ‘ACAB syndrome’ against the police and authorities (Stefanini, 2009; Doidge, 2015a). ACAB is an

in Ultras
Mark Olssen

allegiances in this institutional source; to define political issues in a vocabulary of God, morality, or nature that invokes such a certain, authoritative source; and to condemn tolerance, abortion, pluralism, radicalism, homosexuality, secular humanism, welfarism, and internationalism (among other things) by imputing moral weakness, relativism, selfishness, or corruption to them. ( 1995 : 105) Watching the media, it often seems that fundamentalists are everywhere today: in the rise of far right political parties championing aggressive forms of nationalism; in the

in Constructing Foucault’s ethics