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The Iranian nuclear programme, international sanctions and regional policy
Kayhan Valadbaygi

controlling the IRGC’s overseas activities. In addition, it took a pragmatist policy regarding the first Gulf War despite Saddam’s unilateral offer to restore the 1975 border agreement and to give Iran everything they wanted ‘in return for its support against the common enemy’ (Sick, 2011 : 362). Furthermore, the government reinstated ties with regional powers and made serious efforts to restore relations with

in Capitalism in contemporary Iran
Abstract only
The state of surprise
Andrew Monaghan

death of Russian and Eurasian studies’, 11 one that can be traced back to the collapse of the USSR. This argument that there is a lack of Russia expertise in the West has some merit, and was revisited in late December 2015 and January 2016. 12 Even in the early 1990s, Western governments were already looking beyond Russia and Eurasia to other priorities, such as the first Gulf War and

in The new politics of Russia
Open Access (free)
The state of surprise
Andrew Monaghan

first Gulf War and Japan’s rise. This sense that the West had ‘moved on’ from Cold War era priorities and the problems with which post-Soviet Russia is associated subsequently accelerated in the late 1990s and early 2000s for two main reasons. First, there was increasing disappointment at the highest political levels in the West about the problematic nature of Russia’s transformation. This, combined

in The new politics of Russia
Stephen Benedict Dyson

Again, this was part of the DPG document from 1992, which was ‘conspicuously devoid of references to collective action through the United Nations’,89 an especially noteworthy omission in the aftermath of the first Gulf war, one of the more spectacularly successful multilateral ventures of the latter twentieth century. Instead, the document suggested the US should ‘be postured to act independently when collective action cannot be orchestrated’.90 For neoconservatives, there was in fact little good that could come out of international institutions, but there were many

in The Blair identity
Bildt, Europe and neutrality in the post-Cold War era
Christine Agius

Europeanisation. NOTES 1 Others claim that the ‘new thinking’ in security has not matched practice. On this see George on the first Gulf War, where he argues that Machiavellian power politics still characterised new conflicts (1994: 2–3). 2

in The social construction of Swedish neutrality
Ian Bellany

Stockholm International Peace Research Institute, 1985), pp. 75–86. The IAEA and safeguards 103 12 Fischer, Towards 1995, p. 57. 13 International Atomic Energy Agency, ‘The IAEA’s safeguards system’, para. 6. Available at www.iaea.org/Publications/Booklets/Safeguards2/part7.html (last accessed 29 April 2005). 14 Fischer et al., Safeguarding the Atom, p. 80. 15 The assessment of the British government’s Joint Intelligence Committee (JIC) of September 1990, on the eve of the first Gulf War, stated Iraq to be three years away from being able to produce fissile material

in Curbing the spread of nuclear weapons
Abstract only
Steven Kettell

to expand the global reach of the US and enhance its geo-strategic leverage within the Middle East, to promote democratic political reform within the region (this being thought to provide security benefits and a greater integration into the world economy), to secure increased influence over international oil markets (with 46 Chaos Iraq possessing the second largest proven reserves in the world), and to conclude the sense of unfinished business hanging over from the first Gulf war. Crucially, too, a key ambition was to assert US credibility in the war on terror.8

in New Labour and the new world order
Jannika Brostrom

reporting on foreign policy largely came about during the First Gulf War where images of Kurdish refugees fleeing from the regime of Saddam Hussein were thought to have contributed to the unprecedented step of establishing Kurdish safe havens. 17 And despite it being widely acknowledged as both a foreign policy and a humanitarian failure, international and domestic media pressure also played a role in shaping the US decision to

in Violence and the state
Simon Tate

, against which the West had been ideologically defined, disappeared. One result of this was that the idea of the West became too ungainly an ideological coalition to be sustained (Henrikson, 1997; Ó Tuathail, 1997; 1998; Walker, 1993). The idea of the West was in need of redefinition and the geopolitics of the War on Terror need to be seen in this context. Like the first Gulf War, the language used by both the American and the British governments after September 11, 2001, initially appealed to the same broad-based alliance of Cold War allies, in which every country was

in A special relationship?
The internal factors
Ali Riaz

_Riaz_IslamIdentity_Revised.indd 102 21/02/2013 16:30 identity, islamism and politics: internal factors 103 salizing their messages they have connected the marginalized Bengali Muslims to the Muslim world. In these discourses the entire Muslim world was enduring the problems inflicted by the West as much as the Bangladeshis in Britain were. Thus, the war in Bosnia, or the first Gulf War (1991) were part of their struggle. The community is no longer defined by geography but is identified with a global ummah defined by religion. Islam, therefore, is presented as an emancipatory meta

in Islam and identity politics among British-Bangladeshis