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Chapter 8 Deportation as foreign policy: meanings of development and the ordering of (im)mobility In the last chapter, I developed a critical account of citizenship from the perspective of the ‘deportee’. I described people’s struggles post-deportation, with a particular focus on Chris’s experiences in East Kingston, and argued that poverty, insecurity and frustrated mobilities characterise citizenship for Jamaica’s poor more generally. In this sense, the effective immobilisation of ‘deportees’ is symptomatic of the wider function of citizenship as a global
5 EU foreign policy as a vocation for Europe The significance of the eastern neighbourhood for the EU has been made clear throughout the previous chapters. This region is important not only for the usual security concerns and the EU’s desire to be surrounded by likeminded, stable, and predictable states, but also because of its relevance in shaping European identity, as discussed in Chapter 3. Chapter 4 revealed the importance of EU practitioners’ quest for a normative role for the EU in the region. Following closely from the latter chapter’s findings, this
diagram of the main components is in figure 4.1 . Although domestic ACF applications outnumber those examining foreign and defense policy issues (Pierce et al. 2017 ), the ACF can readily be applied to understand foreign policy. The ACF (Jenkins-Smith et al. 2014 ) and Foreign Policy Analysis (FPA) (Snyder et al. 1954 ; Holsti 1977 ; Hudson 2005 ) share an analytical focus on actor beliefs. A core ACF assumption that considers actor beliefs to be hierarchical originates from Converse’s ( 1964 ) work examining public opinion about foreign policy. Past
Introduction This chapter explores how the Islamic Republic of Iran (IRI) has instrumentalized development to project influence into sub-Saharan Africa. This analysis contributes to the extant scholarship on the IRI's foreign policy in terms of geography, periodization, and tactics. Geographically, the literature tends to focus on the United States (US) and the Middle East, especially its Shi‘a territories and communities. Numerous books examine the root causes of the adversarial relationship between the US and Iran, as
use institutional factors as independent variables to explain policy variation across countries and over time, there is still an unwarranted divide between NI, applied in PP and the field of Foreign Policy Analysis (FPA). Despite this striking division, the chapter on “Foreign Policy” in the magisterial Handbook of Political Science published in 1975 took it for granted that foreign policy belongs within the domain of PP rather than that of International Relations (IR) (Cohen and Harris 1975 ). More than forty years later, few foreign policy analysts would
served by theory. ‘Like the debate over a common Community foreign policy itself, there is no agreement among academics on the most useful theoretical approach for comprehending this activity’ (Holland 1994 : 129). Consequently, much of the literature on European foreign policy defines itself as ‘pre-theoretical’ (Hill 1993a ), while limited importance is attached to the EU as an actor vis-à-vis its member states. In part, this reflects the
Introduction The current dispute between Qatar and the Quartet countries (a coalition of Saudi Arabia, the United Arab Emirates [UAE], Bahrain, and Egypt) initiated a new, complex pan-regional dynamic involving a web of contradicting foreign policy directions and interests. The massive financial resources and international connections of the Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC) have provided considerable political leverage at the regional and international levels. The contest for political influence between the Gulf states became
33 1 Jeremi Suri The strange career of nation-building as a concept in US foreign policy The people of the South should be the last Americans to expect indefinite continuity of their institutions and social arrangements. Other Americans have less reason to be prepared for sudden change and lost causes. Apart from Southerners, Americans have enjoyed a historical continuity that is unique among modern peoples. The stream of national history, flowing down from seventeenth-century sources, reaches a fairly level plain in the eighteenth century. There it
Ch a pter 1 The Representation of British Foreign Policy The English are divided in two categories, clearly identified by those who study zoology: the first one is represented by that famous Englishman who was marvelled not to find negroes in Calais, for, according to him, the Channel was the border of the civilised world. The second category is the one of types like Hervey, who [. . .] being in the Venetian Lagoon, tasted the water and concluded ‘ it is salty, hence it is ours!’ 1 What in the world is this famous English friendship? We want to see the proof! 2
109 6 Education, or ‘part of our foreign policy’?: At war in Vietnam Late on the afternoon of 25 August 1964, officials in the Australian Prime Minister’s and External Affairs departments scrambled to change arrangements they had made for the signing of the new treaty between the United States and Australia. This executive agreement was to replace the original 1949 Fulbright Agreement and enable the continuation of the scheme into the future. Federal Executive Council had approved Paul Hasluck, minister for External Affairs since April 1964, to be the