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Abstract only
Jo Laycock and Francesca Piana

post-Soviet ‘de facto statehood’ international responses to conflict and displacement have been transformed and have assumed new practices and priorities. Here ‘peacebuilding’ has emerged as the principle means of carving out a neutral space for international intervention – no easy task in what continues to be a highly charged political context. As a whole, this volume demonstrates the importance of carefully contextualising humanitarian interventions within specific political, social, economic, ideological and gendered contexts. The case of Armenia provides a

in Aid to Armenia
The relative autonomy of coastal Horn of Africa states in their relations with Gulf countries
Aleksi Ylönen

early 1990s international interventions, focused mainly in the south, were unable to support the re-establishment of a stable political regime and eventually withdrew after suffering heavy casualties, and despite having been able to momentarily secure the delivery of humanitarian aid to part of the population. In Ethiopia, the downfall of the Marxist Derg regime also resulted in the takeover by rebel groups. However, in Ethiopia the EPRDF, led by its strongest faction, the Tigray People's Liberation Front, established a central government but was compelled to allow

in The Gulf States and the Horn of Africa
Stuart Kaufman

conflict and Eurasian security NATO interventions in Bosnia in 1995 and Kosovo in 1999 expressed the Euro-American security policy of rebuilding NATO as the premier security organisation in Europe. Continued Russian intervention in the Caucasus can, in this light, be understood as a Russian effort, driven by the security dilemma, to prevent such NATO hegemony on its southern border. Encouraging constructive international intervention and heading off the destructive kind is, in this light, harder than it looks. The dilemmas of policy intervention Because all of these

in Limiting institutions?
Open Access (free)
Controversies over gaps within EU crisis management policy
Roger Mac Ginty, Sandra Pogodda, and Oliver P. Richmond

Studies components, on the other hand, locate crisis response conceptually and examine how EU intervention is perceived on the ground. This analysis of local reception of the EU as a crisis response actor contributes to the ‘local turn’ in the study and practice of peace interventions ( Schierenbeck, 2015 ): to what extent are international interventions sensitive to local needs and aspirations or driven

in The EU and crisis response
Learning from the UN, NATO and OSCE
Loes Debuysere and Steven Blockmans

what are often crowded theatres. Second, a process of integration may undermine local ownership. While integration seeks to improve the coherence and coordination of any international intervention, it could in fact weaken or overlook the indispensable input of local actors ( Tardy, 2017 ). Third, the process of integrating responses to conflict ought to happen in a conflict-sensitive way. Efficient and

in The EU and crisis response
Managing the great power relations trilemma
Graeme P. Herd

–823. 39 N. Gegelashvili, ‘Effects of Ukrainian crisis: Georgian dimension’, Politkom.ru (11 April 2014). 40 Y. Nikitina, ‘Russia’s Policy on International Interventions: Principle or Realpolitik?’, Policy Memo 312, 2014, available at: www.ponarseurasia.org/memo/russia%E2%80%99s-policy-international-interventions

in Violence and the state
Abstract only
Framing post-Cold War conflicts
Philip Hammond

criminal courts, as well as being expressed through armed intervention. It is striking just how quickly this idea was established, appearing as a fully developed justification for international intervention in the 1992 ‘humanitarian mission’ to Somalia. Indeed, in retrospect, it is clear that the idea was already implicit in the notion of a ‘New World Order’ in which the US and

in Framing post-Cold War conflicts
Philip Cunliffe

Cosmopolitan Dystopia.indb 34 06/01/2020 16:21:40 Inverted revisionism British and French politicians … whatever the precise interlocking of relatively contingent circumstances that explain why military intervention took place in Libya rather than elsewhere, it also shows that the diplomatic and intellectual controversy over the Iraq intervention never cut sufficiently deep to bleed the legitimacy from international intervention. To be sure, this is not say that intervention is the monopoly of Western states – far from it. It is the cycle of Nigerian interventions in

in Cosmopolitan dystopia
The ICTY, ICTR and ICC
Matt Killingsworth

in Rwanda and the Balkans: Virtual Trials and the Struggle for State Cooperation (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2008), p. 10. 14 M. Humphrey, ‘International intervention, justice and national reconciliation: The role of the ICTR and ICTY in Rwanda and Bosnia’, Journal of Human

in Violence and the state
Chen Kertcher

Israeli borders, the Security Council did not initiate new operations in 1978–87. Some researchers view the 1980s as a separate operations-era unto itself and emphasise that, in this period, regional powers or organisations adopted the method developed by the UN, and implemented it to execute peacekeeping operations by themselves. This was because everyone realised that UN activity during the Cold War was almost totally paralysed as a result of the political dissension between the East and West blocs. Thus we are aware of international interventions in Rhodesia, Lebanon

in The United Nations and peacekeeping, 1988–95