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David Lockwood

's intended audience. It was the ordinary readers of the Evening Standard to whom his work was primarily directed. Who were they? According to Low, ‘The Evening Standard … was a West End sale among the middle-classes. The Tory clubman's evening paper.’ 55 A. J. P. Taylor, in his biography of Low's employer, described Evening Standard readers as ‘the well-to-do of London and the suburbs’. 56 He added: ‘newsvendors, it is said, have always known that

in Comic empires
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Kate Middleton, ‘middle-classness’ and family values
Laura Clancy

, heteronormative and (upper-)middle-class family. The historian Patricia Holland suggests that these portraits are often idealised, ensuring that the middle-class family is coded as aspirational and desirable. 4 But considering that traditional family photograph albums have been displaced by digital cultures, their evocation on Instagram by the Cambridges is bound up with nostalgia for traditional family values. It appeals to the nuclear, middle-class family when families and class identifications in Britain are becoming more

in Running the Family Firm
Laura Ugolini

such heavy demands on people and material, and led to such widespread disruption to international trade, consumer practices were hardly likely to remain unaffected. • 227 • chap7.indd 227 05/04/2013 11:06:37 Civvies The aim of this chapter is thus to examine middle-class men’s wartime consumer and leisure practices. Recent research has shown that far from being disinterested in consumption, preferring to leave it to their womenfolk, Edwardian middle-class men were keen purchasers and users of the whole range of commodities and leisure opportunities on offer to

in Civvies
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Megan Smitley

Conclusion The feminine public sphere represents a locus of middle-class women’s public lives and elite women’s contribution to a middle-class identity rooted in public service. Late Victorian and Edwardian middle-class women’s participation in the feminine public sphere was underpinned by a shared evangelical Protestantism and a fidelity to middle-class notions of domesticity. Indeed, the cultural and social values derived from evangelical religion, which in turn supported idealised notions of women’s domesticity, further supported middle-class women’s sense of

in The feminine public sphere
Philip Gillett

are evident in films about service life, though differences in rank receive surprisingly little emphasis once individuals are socialised into the institution by initial training. In spite of this, distinctions are implicit in the convention that those who give the orders are upper or middle class, as They Were Not Divided (d. Terence Young, 1950) illustrates, with NCOs occupying an ambiguous supervisory role. On the

in The British working class in postwar film
Mapping the inequitable foundations of Dreamfields’ conveyor belt
Christy Kulz

it produce and bring raced and classed positions into focus by highlighting who needs to ‘adjust’ themselves to accrue value. While market mechanisms privilege and perpetuate the white middle-class pupil as ideal, openings are also provided for other students to be incorporated into this valued space if they can fit the template. Meanwhile, many participants found naming and discussing persistent inequalities difficult within a supposedly post-racial, meritocratic environment. These institutional practices connect to the world beyond Dreamfields’ gates, generating

in Factories for learning
Laura Ugolini

satisfaction of having done their best’.1 While the war was in progress, however, most people did not see such a stark separation between ‘fronts’. Although well aware of the distance between themselves and the actual fighting, most middle-class civilian men stressed instead the connection between all those involved in the war effort, whether at home or abroad.2 Even Reginald Gibbs, who condemned the glamorisation of war as ‘a rejuvenator of old age, a purifier of morals and I know not what else’,3 regularly wrote of the British forces as a ‘we’, even as he condemned the

in Civvies
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Megan Smitley

agitation for social and political reform, to express Christian service at a time when women were barred from clerical roles and to organise within influential and highly systematised middle-class women’s networks. This investigation of women’s participation in associationalism and civic life seeks to provide a fresh approach to the ‘public sphere’ in order to illuminate women as agents of a middle-class identity and to develop the notion of a ‘feminine public sphere’, or the web of associations, institutions and discourses used by disenfranchised middle-class women to

in The feminine public sphere
Christy Kulz

tales of mobility become. The mobility of the exceptional individual does not provide social justice, but only reshuffles society’s winners and losers into new hierarchies. This book has shown how the aspirational rhetoric of Dreamfields and English education policy does not do what it advertises. It overlooks existing structures, while its own structuring effects play into the creation and reification of hierarchies. Rather than liberating students from their positions, Dreamfields’ practices remake and reorder inequality by positioning white middle-classness as

in Factories for learning
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Laura Ugolini

share in celebration’, and for whom 11 November 1918 was a day of isolation and grief.3 Neither the extremes of unrestrained celebration nor of lonely sorrow seem to have been the experience of Armistice of most middle-class civilian men. They must, of course, have formed at least a proportion of the people who travelled to town and city centres across the country immediately or soon after hearing the news of the end of the war: it is estimated, for example, that around 100,000 people ‘flocked to London upon the news of the Armistice in 1918, and continued to do so

in Civvies