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Implications for neutrality and sovereignty
Christine Agius

power. The post-September 11 world is one which has revealed a serious chasm in transatlantic relations. Much has been made of the differences between the Bush Administration and the EU, with many urging the transformation of the EU into a global actor that can either counter US hegemony or at least balance it or influence it in a positive manner. US unilateralism has serious implications for the

in The social construction of Swedish neutrality
Reuben Wong

Pivot to Asia: Towards New Trilateral Partnerships. Washington, DC: Center for Transatlantic Relations, pp. 109–24. Yeo, Lay. (2010). “The EU as a Security Actor in Southeast Asia”, in Panorama: Insights into Asian and Political Affairs. Singapore: Regional Programme Political Dialogue Asia, Konrad Adenauer Stiftung. Yeo, Lay. (2016). “EU Strategy towards Southeast Asia and ASEAN”, in Changing Waters: Towards a New EU Asia Strategy. London: LSE Ideas, pp. 6–12. Yeo, Lay Hwee. (2014). “The EU’s Role in Security and Regional Order in East Asia”, in Peter Shearman (ed

in The European Union in the Asia-Pacific
Open Access (free)
Spiritualism and the Atlantic divide
Bridget Bennett

understood. Telegraphy – which transformed transatlantic relations in the middle of the century helping to narrow and circumvent the space between America, Britain, and therefore its European neighbours – was used by spiritualists as a metaphor for the ways in which communications from the other world could be understood. The medium John Murray Spear explained the significance of electricity and telegraphy within his spiritual cosmos in the following way: Between the Grand Central Mind and all inferior minds there subsists a connection, a telegraphic communication, by means

in Special relationships
Suetyi Lai and Li Zhang

Centres. The EU Centre was initiated in the middle of 1990s to strengthen transatlantic relations under the “New Transatlantic Agenda” (European Council, 1995) between the EU and the US, as “bridges across the Atlantic”. In order to enhance neutrality and credibility, the EU Centre initiative is incorporated into existing universities. As a result, twelve EU centres were established in American universities and three in Canadian universities in 1998. The establishment of EU centres is not only as a kind of promotion in education, but also as a complement to the work of

in The European Union in the Asia-Pacific
Mørten Bøås, Bård Drange, Dlawer Ala'Aldeen, Abdoul Wahab Cissé, and Qayoom Suroush

. Their entry was – as often is the case – more based on their readiness to supply rather than meet Afghanistan’s needs ( Peters et al ., 2018 ). When the United States increased deployment around 2006, moreover, the EU faced a dilemma: not sending any forces (and damaging transatlantic relations) or launching a civilian EU mission ( Peters et al ., 2018 ). Member

in The EU and crisis response
Open Access (free)
A European fin de siècle
Sergei Medvedev

, urbi et orbi , that he was, after all, a morally responsible statesman. They have included the United States’ wish to reassert its position in transatlantic relations in the wake of the Amsterdam Treaty and the arrival of the EMU; the desire of EU member states to prevent the influx of 1 million Kosovar refugees; the interests of the military industry and the interests of technology. In the world of

in Mapping European security after Kosovo
A political–cultural approach
Lisbeth Aggestam

. Furthermore, German policy-makers are always much more keenly aware of the implications that a deepening process of foreign policy integration may have on transatlantic relations. The German government favours a more cohesive European actor capacity to shoulder a greater burden of security, thereby becoming a more equal partner to the US. Nonetheless, this must not jeopardise the continued presence of American involvement in

in Rethinking European Union Foreign Policy
An emerging strategic culture?
Richard G. Whitman and Toni Haastrup

contexts Background Papers, available at: papers/ EU_BGP_01.pdf (accessed 11 October 2011). Chamorel, P. (2006) ‘Anti-­ Europeanism and Euroskepticism in the United States’, in T.L. Ilgen (ed.), Hard Power, Soft Power and the Future of Transatlantic Relations, Aldershot: Ashgate. Cornish, P. and Edwards, G. (2001) ‘Beyond the EU/NATO Dichotomy: The Beginning of a European Strategic Culture’, International Affairs, 77 (3): 587–603. Cornish, P. and Edwards, G. (2005) ‘The Strategic Culture of the European Union: A Progress Report

in The European Union in Africa
Abstract only
transitions and challenges
Stanley R. Sloan

Christopher called “the problem from hell.” 50 Transatlantic relations over Bosnia policy were also troubled by the fact that the United States saw and understood the conflict largely as one involving an aggressor—the Bosnian Serbs, supported by Serbia—against the much weaker Bosnian Muslims. The Europeans, for the most part, believed the conflict should be seen as a civil war in which all parties were to blame. These two different interpretations of the conflict produced divergent policy preferences. The approach to the conflict favored by many members of the US Congress

in Defense of the West (second edition)
Stanley R. Sloan

the face of congressional skepticism. The United States and France continued through much of the alliance’s first 70 years to pursue different visions for the future of transatlantic relations, but into the second decade of the twenty-first century new leaders in Washington (President Barack Obama) and Paris (Presidents Nicolas Sarkozy and then François Hollande) narrowed the gap between American and French attitudes. In Europe, France still worries about Germany, but now it is a reunited Germany’s “soft” power and its pacifistic tendencies that trouble Paris the

in Defense of the West (second edition)