Search results
1983, inflation had fallen to 4 per cent from its 1980 high, but mass unemployment and the destruction of manufacturing industry was the cost. By 1982, national unemployment had risen to 12.5 per cent, making a mockery of the Tory posters which helped their 1979 election win, showing a long dole queue above the slogan ‘Labour Isn’t Working’. Between 1972 and 1984 the city lost 207,000 manufacturing jobs and its unemployment rate rose to 20 per cent. The number of jobs in the city of Manchester, only part of the
veteran London Marxist Harry Quelch, who mocked the Webbs and their allies as ‘practical’ people who proposed ‘practical’ palliatives such as labour exchanges and training schemes, rather than working for socialist revolution, reserving their ‘Detention Colony’ for the poor while ignoring the ‘wealthy workshy’.5 In the immediate post-war years, unemployment spread to the industrial areas, proving particularly intractable in the homes of the staple industries. As in earlier decades, there was still lingering support on the left for labour colonies. In Glasgow, the
interpretations are not mutually exclusive; both can be discerned in Tierno Galván’s romance with the young people of Madrid. In 1981, over half of Madrid’s population were under 30 and only 10 per cent were over the age of 65. 20 Against a backdrop of recession and vertiginous youth unemployment, it made civic and electoral sense for a progressive Mayor to court the 1.1 million inhabitants aged between 15 and 30 dwelling in a compact city. The Old Professor adopted the paternalistic habit of issuing edicts to the inhabitants of Madrid in which they were
acquired new skills such as language competencies and developed from a personal point of view in that they became more self-reliant, mature and open to new influences. Whereas almost all respondents had arrived in Ireland during the Celtic Tiger boom years, the economic crisis and rising unemployment in 2008 meant that they had to re-adjust their strategies to a dramatically altered economic environment. For some, this was a contributory factor in returning to Poland or moving on elsewhere. For others, however, it meant staying in Ireland and trying to adapt to work and
individualised circumstances, including racial tension and divisions between various ethnic groups, poor police and community relations, criminal opportunism and rising rates of structural unemployment afflicting working-class youth.2 Nevertheless, any attempt to ascribe a single and direct cause to what occurred in Toxteth over the summer of 1981 would be overly simplistic. Clearly, a variety of combustible elements collided to produce some of the worst riots Britain had experienced in the twentieth century. Previous studies tender a variety of explanations: racial tensions
2009 – the lowest turnout was registered in the 2005 elections, where 48.8% of the electorate turned out to vote. The ideology and policies of the two main rival parties are rather blurred, and, as we have already noted, the politics is dominated by party leaders and disputes between them. Contemplating the convergence of Left and Right for the position of the dominant player on the Right would seem to be senseless in light of the partitocracy. Other common variables: electoral systems, unemployment and the post-material dimension The Croatian electoral law reflects
protect their Introduction 3 health, homes, and jobs. Instead, they have been severely disappointed by a president who has not fought for them, but who has sought as an ally the same bankers on Wall Street that helped to produce the crisis we are in today. Today millions are unemployed. Though the official rate of unemployment stands roughly at 6.5 percent, many economists claim the real figure is closer to 17 percent. This is because workers of all kinds in America, and in the UK, have lost their only allies: governments which used to be responsive to them, and
historiography has been dominated by the social unrest and unemployment problems that faced the government during the 1920s and 1930s. More recently, a number of historians have investigated youth life styles, particularly in relationship to working-class culture.3 This chapter extends this analysis and engages with contemporary debates on the youth problem emanating from official and unofficial bodies. First, we shall investigate the research and provision of male youth leisure during a period in which unemployment had reached unprecedented levels and there was increasing
‘model’ or ‘system’ remains unsatisfactory, he discusses theoretical issues with which Marxists can potentially engage productively. Keynes makes important theoretical innovations and his insights into time and uncertainty, the motivations of investment, the role of consumption, the persistence of unemployment, the nature and role of money, and the establishment of interest rates all seem worth incorporating into any modern critical political economy. Keynes may have held a naively optimistic view of state capacities, but here too his identification of the fundamental
-century ‘golden age’ and its associated system of Keynesian demand management and regulation of the international economy foundered. This resulted from the fact that the advanced capitalist world faced mounting problems of falling profitability and, albeit with some time lags, ‘severe reductions in the growth of output, of productivity, and of real wages, as well as sharply higher rates of unemployment and much more severe recessions’. These problems, and especially the acute and unusual one of stagflation (high prices combined