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Meg Holden

. Post- humanism paints our over-reliance on anthropocentric justifications and on human social, political and economic institutions as primarily responsible for environmental losses. That is, we are in crisis because our dreams are ignorant of humanity’s dependence on non-human nature. To make a difference, we need to displace these dreams with alternative holistic ecosystems-based thinking. In opposition to this stance is the stance, predominant in political ecology, that the most effective way to engage environmental politics is to make environmental concerns fit

in The power of pragmatism
Open Access (free)
Louise Amoore

the globalisation process, removing the messiness of politics and leaving only the ‘right and necessary’ policy measures. As the millennium turned, the picture began to change so that we now begin to see partial glimpses of the push and shove of a social and political contestation that was, in truth, always present. Now we see the news media popularising debates about the power of multinational corporations (MNCs), the plight of the global economy’s ‘new slaves’ and the ‘anti-globalisation’ protests (Klein, 2000; Bales, 1999; British Broadcasting Corporation (BBC

in Globalisation contested
Louise Amoore

amorphous, ‘vague in referent’ and ‘ambiguous in usage’ (Jones, Amoore_Global_02_Ch1 14 6/19/02, 12:06 PM Globalisation, restructuring and flexibility 15 1995: 1). Indeed, some have concluded that the term should be abandoned to prevent its reification in political, academic and corporate debates. However, it is precisely the amorphous and empty nature of the concept that gives it the capacity to exercise power. It can be filled with multiple meanings and used to legitimate a range of restructuring programmes, from labour market flexibility and mobility, to

in Globalisation contested
Alex Schafran, Matthew Noah Smith and Stephen Hall

Over the past two chapters we have worked to develop an analytical framework for analysing reliance systems and spatial contracts. Certain assumptions and ideologies about systems can get in the way of developing healthy agreements, which is why we call for a system-centred politics, as opposed to a politics-centred system. When we start to see systems through settlements and vice versa, we also see more clearly other barriers, divides between space and place, and those between the formal and the informal. This much, at least, is required to realize

in The spatial contract
The restructuring of work in Britain
Louise Amoore

Politics is going global. All of us are seeking to make sense of, and manage, change. The key to the management of change is reform. The pace of reform has to match the pace of change. Societies that are open, flexible, able easily to distinguish between fundamental values, which they must keep and policies, which they must adapt, will prosper. Those that move too slowly or are in hock to vested interests or what I have elsewhere called forces of conservatism, reacting negatively to change, will fall behind. (Tony Blair, 2000a: 1, Speech at the World Economic Forum

in Globalisation contested
Abstract only
Geographies of the post-boom era
Denis Linehan and Caroline Crowley

‘Irishness’, eviscerates the images and iconography of the Celtic Tiger, a period of economic growth in Ireland that ran from 1995 to 2007. McCarthy’s work reflects the growing dissonance around the national narrative, as well as the groundswell of political dissatisfaction that characterises the contemporary scene in Ireland. Tellingly, while occasionally framing Ireland as South America or Asia, his work suggests that new perspectives, if not new maps, are required to evaluate Irish society; the turbulent qualities of the present call for new ways of seeing. Following

in Spacing Ireland
Efrat Eizenberg

various benefits to even the mere exposure to nature (in a picture, through a window or by sitting in a park), i.e. a passive consumption of nature, if you will. The ‘practice’ of nature or deep involvement with it (as defined by Kaplan) through hiking, protecting, gardening and so on, produces an additional set of advantages. Advantages of ‘practising nature’ include exercise, community life, political development and place-​identity. This list presents only a few of the ways people experience nature, but we will get back to this topic later. Despite these advantages

in Urban gardening and the struggle for social and spatial justice
Abstract only
Postcolonialism and ecology in the work of Tim Robinson
Eóin Flannery

vision. The field of Irish cultural studies has yet to exploit fully the critical and analytical resources of ecological criticism. Indeed very little sustained and enabling historical or critical writing has emanated from the field that might productively contribute to international conversations on the political and cultural implications of global environmental change.There have always been creative and critical engagements with the Irish landscape – a trend partly occasioned by the country’s protracted history of colonialism (a prime concern of ecological criticism

in Unfolding Irish landscapes
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The power of pragmatism
Jane Wills and Robert W. Lake

the complexity of the world to manageable proportions. Even if we acknowledge that they are simplifications, we approach social inquiry with a predefined lexicon that allows us to find ‘gentrification’, ‘neoliberalism’, ‘planetary urbanism’, ‘settler colonialism’ or the ‘post-political’ (to highlight some of the most popular concepts in critical social inquiry today) because those are the things we expect to find. If we use large datasets and analytical models, we look for predictable patterns to find the universal causal processes behind complex activities such as

in The power of pragmatism
Open Access (free)
Tuur Driesser

. Maps as objects 225 From critical to object-oriented cartography The critical cartography which arose in the 1990s (Crampton and Krygier, 2006) approach maps as texts (Harley, 1989), sign systems (Wood, 1993) and social constructions (Crampton, 2001). In response to the dominance of the communication model, which thought of maps purely as neutral tools to convey geographical information, critical cartography sought to demonstrate how these representations were in fact bound up with politics of power and knowledge. Thus, building on Foucault and Derrida (Harley, 1989

in Time for mapping