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The Indian Army and the fight for empire, 1918–20
Kate Imy

, the Third Anglo-Afghan War sent many of the Indian Army's soldiers back out to an active war zone to prevent an Afghan invasion into north-western India. When world powers convened to sign the Treaty of Versailles, naming the terms of peace in June 1919, this also failed to signal an end to fighting for Indian Army men. Many South Asian soldiers journeyed to Egypt, Mesopotamia and Palestine to put down rebellions or implement military control within and beyond Britain's existing protectorates and new League of Nations mandates. 3

in Exiting war
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Military operations
Michael Clarke

impose a new pattern of multiple states on the western Balkans. In Kosovo, they chose to break Serbia up rather than let the government in Belgrade continue to persecute its Albanian minority in that province (Robertson 1999 : 7–9). In Afghanistan, they chased out the government that had hosted the al Qaeda terrorists responsible for the 9/11 atrocity, and then tried to transform Afghan society into a modern and democratic economy. A questionable campaign to rid the world of Saddam Hussein’s bombastic challenges to

in The challenge of defending Britain
Patrick O’Leary

Third Afghan War in 1919 that the tribes seized the opportunity to cause trouble all along the frontier and to attack the lines of communications of advancing British and Indian troops. In particular, the Mahsuds and Waziris were aroused and continued to provoke strong actions against them almost until the outbreak of the Second World War. 21 Curzon’s despotism, however benevolent

in Servants of the empire
The 1980 Moscow boycott through contemporary Asian–African perspectives
Joseph Eaton

The 1980 Moscow boycott 203 11 Decentring US sports diplomacy: the 1980 Moscow boycott through contemporary Asian–African perspectives* Joseph Eaton The boycott of the 1980 Moscow Olympics is commonly described as having been a fiasco. The titles of books on the boycott tell of President Jimmy Carter’s failed response to the Soviet invasion of Afghanistan – Dropping the Torch: Jimmy Carter, the Olympic Boycott, and the Cold War by Nicholas Evan Sarantakes (2010) – and the unfair treatment given athletes, denied their chance to compete at Moscow – Boycott

in Sport and diplomacy
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turbulent transatlantic ties
Stanley R. Sloan

response to the attacks. The United States prepared to mount a campaign against the Taliban leadership and forces in Afghanistan that had hosted and supported the al-Qaeda organization and its leader, Osama bin Laden, and had refused to turn bin Laden and his associates over to the United States for prosecution. Europeans, acting more like Europeans, were inclined to see September 11 as a major event in the struggle against terror, but not the beginning of a war whose outcome would be determined anytime soon. In any case, on September 11, 2001, the challenges to

in Defense of the West (second edition)
Imogen Richards

MAK bureau, funded and supported by the US and its allies in the Afghan–Soviet War (1979–89). Following this, it considers that since the 1990s AQ has benefited from neoliberal partnerships between the US, wealthy Gulf states, and government-aligned individuals. Herein, it explores how the reality of these funding sources for AQ was obscured by the US-directed counterterrorist targeting of alternative remittance. In an account of AQ’s commercial activities, it emphasises the organisation’s exploitation of financial apparatus available in neoliberal environments

in Neoliberalism and neo-jihadism
Duality of détente in the 1970s and neo-Cold War in the 1980s
James W. Peterson

agreements that would better their own relationship as well as reduce global conflict. At the same time, there were definitely times of great tension between the two. Clearly, their general objectives about what they sought to accomplish in foreign policy diverged considerably from one another's. Further, Soviet ambitions both in Afghanistan and in key countries in the developing world perturbed Americans who had grown too comfortable with the relaxed atmosphere of détente. In addition, leadership changes on the American side made a difference. President Carter had an

in Russian-American relations in the post-Cold War world
Rhiannon Vickers

– was beginning to take shape. This heralded a new assertiveness in American foreign policy that had not been seen since the early years of the Cold War. Bush’s immediate target was the Taliban regime in Afghanistan, which allowed al Qaeda to recruit, train and organise on its territory. During his address to Congress, Bush gave the Taliban an ultimatum to deliver all the al Qaeda leaders located in Afghanistan to close all the terrorist training camps and to give the US access to them so that it could verify their closure, and to hand over every terrorist to

in The Labour Party and the world
Edward M. Spiers

The abrupt termination of military operations and railway building in the Eastern Sudan followed the rapid deterioration of Anglo-Russian relations after the Penjdeh Incident (23 March 1885), in which the Russians killed some 600 Afghans. 1 Arguably the ensuing rift was the closest that Britain and Russia came to war during the late nineteenth century as attention refocused upon the north-west frontier and the primacy of

in Engines for empire
Christopher K. Colley and Sumit Gunguly

in Indo-US relations during the 2000s, the Obama administration did not have an auspicious start with India in its first year in office. Almost at the outset the administration caused distress in New Delhi when its Special Representative for Afghanistan and Pakistan, the seasoned diplomat Richard Holbrooke, mentioned that he might include the Kashmir dispute in his portfolio. When rumours about this impending decision emerged from Washington, DC, it invoked a swift and belligerent response from New Delhi. Indian officials felt the new administration was not

in The United States in the Indo-Pacific