The original aim of this book, when it was conceptualized as a doctoral
thesis, was to trace the borders of an insurrectionary canon through anarchism and poststructuralism, concluding at modern insurrectionary theory.
I hypothesized that the High Theory forebears, such as Tiqqun and Bonanno,
inform the ideological framework of attackers. After spending several years
surveying the literature produced by the anarchists of praxis, the contemporary urban guerrillas, I have observed that, in fact, the communiqué
corpus does not demonstrate any strongly central
-pacifism that governed the remainder of his work. This chapter observes how Heyn's belief — that the absolute sanctity of the individual constitutes the essential message of Judaism — frames his pacifism, his socialism, and his anarchism while complicating his relationship with Zionism.
The absolute sanctity of human life as the essence of Judaism
If Don-Yahiya began with the idea of God as Creator, Heyn's thought began with the sixth commandment. Against the grain of rabbinic consensus, Heyn interpreted it as a prohibition against
) appear in works like ‘ Esh-Da’at we-Ruah Le’umi (1891), Tel Tehiyah ( 1896 ), Resisei Tal ( 1900 ), and especially his three-volume Mikhtavei Mehkar u-Bikoret (1907–31). This chapter draws on these texts and others to examine the continuity between Alexandrov's Schellingian ontology, his account of the historical dialectic of the empirical and Absolute I, his cosmopolitan nationalism, and his anarchism. We shall then conclude by reflecting on how all of this impacted his Zionism.
Three frames for interpreting the abolition of the law in
features of the parent–child
Without in any way claiming to be exhaustive, in this chapter, I offer a
critical overview of numerous ways in which philosophers have evaluated
the legitimacy of power. My exegesis will take a particular form as I have
a specific purpose in mind. Although I will discuss numerous theoretical
positions (in particular, republicanism, anarchism, various forms of liberalism, and social contract theory), I do not pretend to offer a comprehensive judgement of their value as political theories. I do not have the space
together to defend what is common.’ 9
This shift of emphasis by Test Dept from revolutionary proletarian politics to nomadic anarchism brings the reader back to the aesthetic question that is addressed in the epigraph of Monroe’s introduction, a quotation from Peter Bürger’s 2010 essay ‘Avant-Garde and Neo-Avant-Garde: An Attempt to Answer Certain Critics of Theory of the Avant-Garde .’ The words from Bürger read: ‘Measured against their goals and the hopes that they carried, all revolutions have failed: this fact does not lessen their
indiscriminate persecution of Muslim, Christian, other-faith, and secular civilians, ostensibly, and unlike most liberatory movements, in the service of its own very selective interpretation of religion.
The case of Kurdish military activity in the region therefore indicates a noteworthy contrast with neo-jihadism. Differences between these movements can also be highlighted through comparison of the ideology of neo-jihadism and that of the political philosophy of anarchism. Despite its definition as terrorism by some, the PKK in fact claims inspiration from the principles of
viability of an isolated communal experiment (which in fact can only survive so long as the
surrounding society feels strong enough to tolerate it) problems raised include the conflict
between necessary internal organisation and anarchist ideals, the division of labour and the
product of labour, the role of intellectuals, the status of women and the social effect of the
family. Since La Cecilia is a historical film, there is further tension between the
terms of 1976 and those of nineteenth-century anarchism, available to the historical
James Bowen and Jonathan Purkis
Introduction: why anarchism still matters
In February 2002, Commander Brian Paddick, then Police Chief for the
(London) Metropolitan Borough of Brixton, posted the following message on
the direct action discussion forum www.urban75.com:
The concept of anarchism has always appealed to me. The idea of the innate goodness of the individual that is corrupted by society or the system. It is a theoretical
argument but I am not sure everyone would behave well if there were no laws and
no system. I believe there are many
Anti-state political opportunities
Anarchism is not a romantic fable but the hardheaded realization, based
on five thousand years of experience, that we cannot entrust the management of our lives to kings, priests, politicians, generals, and county commissioners. (Edward Abbey)
States and context
This chapter challenges the assumption that the state is a strategic location
of opportunity from the perspective of radical, anti-state movements.
Routine social movement behaviors that petition, protest, or lobby governments to change or adopt certain laws or
Anarchism, in the sense of a formal political movement, was not a major force
in English radicalism in either the nineteenth or the twentieth century. This is
in marked contrast to several other societies, where anarchists have often been
prominent and important: in Russia (especially in the nineteenth century and
in the years leading up to the 1917 Revolution and the years immediately afterwards), France, Spain (especially in the 1936–39 Civil War), Italy, and several
South American countries.
However, the intellectual influence of anarchism