was signed in 1957 with just six members. EFTA The European Free Trade Association (EFTA) contained seven members: Britain, Portugal, Sweden, Denmark, Norway, Austria and Switzerland. It had no political organisation and was therefore no more than a group of countries which agreed to reduce tariffs between them and so increase trade. Britain’s agreements with the Commonwealth countries were preserved. 250 Understanding British and European political issues EFTA reflected the large amount of trade which was carried out among the seven members, but it was never
German philosopher Jürgen Habermas has written extensively on the European Union.
This is the only in-depth account of his project. Published now in a second
edition to coincide with the celebration of his ninetieth birthday, a new
preface considers Habermas’s writings on the eurozone and refugee crises,
populism and Brexit, and the presidency of Emmanuel Macron.
Placing an emphasis on the conception of the EU that informs Habermas’s political prescriptions, the book is divided into two main parts. The first considers the unfolding of 'social modernity' at the level of the EU. Among the subjects covered are Habermas's concept of juridification, the latter's affinities with integration theories such as neofunctionalism, and the application of Habermas's democratic theory to the EU. The second part addresses 'cultural modernity' in Europe – 'Europessimism' is argued to be a subset of the broader cultural pessimism that assailed the project of modernity in the late twentieth century, and with renewed intensity in the years since 9/11.
Interdisciplinary in approach, this book engages with European/EU studies, critical theory, political theory, international relations, intellectual history, comparative literature, and philosophy. Concise and clearly written, it will be of interest to students, scholars and professionals with an interest in these disciplines, as well as to a broader readership concerned with the future of Europe
Does European integration contribute to, or even accelerate, the erosion of intra-party democracy? This book is about improving our understanding of political parties as democratic organisations in the context of multi-level governance. It analyses the impact of European Union (EU) membership on power dynamics, focusing on the British Labour Party, the French Socialist Party (PS), and the German Social Democratic Party (SPD). The purpose of this book is to investigate who within the three parties determines EU policies and selects EU specialists, such as the candidates for European parliamentary elections and EU spokespersons.
The book utilises a principal-agent framework to investigate the delegation of power inside the three parties across multiple levels and faces. It draws on over 65 original interviews with EU experts from the three national parties and the Party of European Socialists (PES) and an e-mail questionnaire. This book reveals that European policy has largely remained in the hands of the party leadership. Its findings suggest that the party grassroots are interested in EU affairs, but that interest rarely translates into influence, as information asymmetry between the grassroots and the party leadership makes it very difficult for local activists to scrutinise elected politicians and to come up with their own policy proposals. As regards the selection of EU specialists, such as candidates for the European parliamentary elections, this book highlights that the parties’ processes are highly political, often informal, and in some cases, undemocratic.
, and partly because of the great variations between member states, the EU lacks political coherence. This means it is difficult to find common purposes in the way that individual states do. Britain in the years following 1997, for example, has had a clear need and 212 Understanding British and European political issues desire the improve public services. Germany has had to overcome the problems of reunification since 1991. Poorer countries like Portugal, Ireland and Greece have naturally been concerned with the need for economic development. France worries about
-nationalism based on the EU's claimed role in the erosion of national independence per se and of the nation's putative cultural ‘values’. This is typically based on a yearning for what Tokatlian ( 2016 ) terms a ‘regressive arcadia’, a mythical past of national greatness unsullied by immigration or cultural diversity (Steenvoorden & Harteveld, 2017 ). This helps explain why right-wing opposition to the EU tends to be more ‘existential’ in nature – insofar as European political integration (as distinct from the economic liberalisation of the Single Market
Act remains the basis of immigration policy to the present day. The Act stated that possession of a British passport no longer entitled the holder to residence in the UK. At a stroke many millions of people all over the Commonwealth – i.e. former British colonial possessions – who believed themselves to be partly 108 Understanding British and European political issues British, were no longer allowed to come to the UK. Residence in the UK would only be allowed to those who could show that they, a parent or a grandparent were born in the UK. The only other way to
over participation. NOTES 1 J. P. Sommerville, ‘English and European political ideas in the early seventeenth century: revisionism and the case of absolutism’, Journal of British Studies, 35 (April 1996 ), pp. 168–94. 2
Protestants were the descendants of people who had been settled in Ireland since the 130 Understanding British and European political issues seventeenth century. They had been given large tracts of land and so, by the twentieth century, they formed a high proportion of the middle classes in the north. In other words they enjoyed considerable economic, political and social power in those northern counties. Most of the Protestants were totally opposed to Irish independence. By the end of the twentieth century, many of their descendants were equally horrified by the
achieved its primary goal. Sandwiched between the two stages in the enfranchisement of women came an Act which had almost as much potential significance. This was the Sex 98 Understanding British and European political issues Disqualification (Removal) Act of 1919. This legislation opened up both the universities and the professions to women. There had previously been a range of prohibitions on women’s ability to pursue advanced careers. In the event, relatively few women entered politics for many years to come, but the opening up of higher education and the
leadership for the EU may be addressed. It is conceivable that there will be a proposal for an elected President for the Union. ● ● ● ● 236 ● ● ● Understanding British and European political issues A British idea is that there should be a bicameral legislature. Some kind of second parliamentary chamber is certainly on the cards. There are proposals for a European ‘Bill of Rights’ which would, once and for all, establish the basis of citizenship and rights for all members of the EU, including its millions of new citizens to come. Students, academics, media people