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is still probably true that for the wider world, the paradigm case – the image – of self-determination is accession to independence, formatting a new State in the mould of existing ones. The gods in this legal pantheon of self-determination have been accounted for in the present work: the UN Charter, Articles 1(2) and 55, and Chapters XI and XII; and General Assembly resolutions 1514 (XV) (the Colonial Declaration), 1541 (XV) and 2625 (XXV) (the Declaration on Principles of International Law). There is more ambiguity from the decolonisation or post-colonial State
expressed, albeit in the more indirect language of UN resolutions, by member states. In 1994, a General Assembly resolution emphasising that a ‘visible commitment of the Secretary-General is essential to the achievement of the targets set by the General Assembly’, 131 noted ‘with concern’ that the current rate of increase in women’s employment in the UN was insufficient to achieve the
voted for a Security Council resolution on 9 June, calling for Portugal to end colonialism.94 This was highly significant. The US publicly supported Angolan independence, much to the annoyance of Portugal, Britain and France, who abstained. The resolution also drew on General Assembly Resolution 1514 and directly condemned the repressive measures of the Portuguese authorities in Angola. It employed the language and terminology of the Committee of 24 in pointing to Portugal’s responsibilities regarding non-self-governing territories. It was interpreted by the
realistic possibility, something reaffirmed by Amorim nearly three decades later, it contained a geopolitical logic irresistible to security thinkers in the region. The pressure to pursue some sort of localized cooperation approach to maintaining security in the area was dramatically heightened by the Falklands/Malvinas War of 1982, which ultimately pushed Brazil in 1986 to propose and win approval of a UN General Assembly resolution creating ZOPACAS. By 1994 the members agreed to a relatively inexpensive, but highly symbolic step to retrench ZOPACAS by jointly declaring
hate speech. It reads: 21 Natan Lerner, The U.N. Convention on the Elimination of all Forms of Racial Discrimination (Alphen aan den Rijn: Sijthoff & Noordhoff, 2nd edn, 1980), p. 43. 22 Ibid., p. 47. In that respect, it was no different to the corresponding article in the earlier UN Declaration on the Elimination of All Forms of Racial Discrimination, United Nations General Assembly Resolution 1904 (XVIII), 20 November 1963. 23 Patrick Thornberry, ‘International Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Racial Discrimination: The prohibition of “racist hate
signature, ratification and accession by General Assembly resolution 44/25 of 20 November 1989, www2.ohchr. org/english/law/crc.htm. (accessed 22.10.2014). 44 Mikaila Mariel Lemonik Arthur, ‘The neglected virtues of comparative-historical methods’, in Ieva Zake and Michaal De Cesare (eds), New Directions in Sociology: Essays on Theory and Methodology in the 21st Century (Jefferson/NC: McFarland, 2011), 172–92, here p. 172. 45 Ingvill C. Mochmann and Stein Ugelvik Larsen, ‘Kriegskinder in Europa’, Aus Politik und Zeitgeschichte, 18–19 (2005), 34–8. 46 Heide
36/1634, D.R. Upton, Memorandum, ‘Encouraging White Emigration from Rhodesia’, 18 July 1974. 42 Brownell, Collapse of Rhodesia , pp. 97–131. 43 UN General Assembly, Resolution 2396, ‘The policies of apartheid of the Government of South Africa’, 2 December 1968, p. 20. For more on the role of the United Nations in the struggle against see Dubow, Apartheid , pp. 47–50, 83, 191, 278; Newell M. Stultz, ‘Evolution of the United Nations Anti-Apartheid Regime
Assembly resolutions on the topic. Specifically, the UN expressed general concern that emerging technologies (especially cyber) might be used for nefarious purposes, “inconsistent with the objectives of maintaining international stability and security,” and the body proposed an expert panel to consider “possible cooperative measures to address them, including norms, rules, or principles” of states. 50 In 2015, the expert panel articulated a set of core norms to “prevent the proliferation of malicious information
important consideration of justice than the ‘relative’ rule against ex post facto law required punishment of those who had committed acts that were ‘morally most objectionable’. Hans Kelsen, ‘Will the Judgement in the Nuremberg Trial Constitute a Precedent in International Law?’, International Law Quarterly 1 (1947), 153–71, at pp. 161–2, 164–5. 20 01 Crimes Against Humanity 001-031 3/12/10 10:10 Page 21 ORIGINS AND DEVELOPMENT years to solidify their status as norms of international law. The General Assembly resolution directed that the principles recognized in
guide the African continent along a similar path. Although it proved more difficult to implement in practice, the Irish assessment was not unfounded. The year 1960, the ‘year of Africa’, became a turning point in the history of the UN’s involvement in colonial issues. General Assembly resolution 1514, the ‘Declaration on the Granting of Independence to Colonial Countries and Peoples’, passed in December of that year, acted as its focal point. The document’s emphasis on ending colonialism and colonial structures helped to redefine the playing field for discussion of these