With race as a central theme, this book presents racial stratification as the underlying system which accounts for the difference in outcomes of Whites and Blacks in the labour market. Critical race theory (CRT) is employed to discuss the operation, research, maintenance and impact of racial stratification. The power of this book is the innovative use of a stratification framework to expose the pervasiveness of racial inequality in the labour market. It teaches readers how to use CRT to investigate the racial hierarchy and it provides a replicable framework to identify the racial order based on insight from the Irish case. There is a four-stage framework in the book which helps readers understand how migrants navigate the labour market from the point of migration to labour participation. The book also highlights minority agency and how migrants respond to their marginality. The examples of how social acceptance can be applied in managing difference in the workplace are an added bonus for those interested in diversity and inclusion. This book is the first of its kind in Ireland and across Europe to present inequality, racism and discrimination in the labour market from a racial stratification perspective. While this book is based on Irish data, the CRT theoretical approach, as well as its insight into migrant perspectives, poses a strong appeal to scholars of sociology, social justice, politics, intercultural communication and economics with interest in race and ethnicity, critical whiteness and migration. It is a timely contribution to CRT which offers scholars a method to conduct empirical study of racial stratification across different countries bypassing the over-reliance on secondary data. It will also appeal to countries and scholars examining causal racism and how it shapes racial inequality.
more effectively. Still, it took until 2009 for the role of national parliaments
in EU policy-making to be mentioned in the EU treaties. The LisbonTreaty’s
Article 12 assigned national parliaments a role within the EU’s legislative process as the guardians of subsidiarity (Auel and Christiansen, 2015). Since 2009,
national parliaments have become entitled to better access to information about
the EU’s legislative agenda. Moreover, the LisbonTreaty introduced a ‘yellow/
orange card’ subsidiarity early warning mechanism that gives national parliaments an
Why social democrats fail in the context of the great economic crisis
Fabien Escalona and Mathieu Vieira
the Council. Although it became a legislative body, the EP somehow
bears the scars of a consultative body.
Does the ratification of the LisbonTreaty change this situation? We have
pointed out the uncompleted nature of the connection between the parliamentary and governmental arenas. The LisbonTreaty represents a move in the right
direction, offering in particular a more effective separation of powers and an
improvement of the EP’s role in European policy making. First of all, the LisbonTreaty introduces a change concerning the appointment of the President of the
, the various expansions of membership of the EC and EU, and the single currency project) the Federal Republic has been a key actor. Chancellor Merkel’s energetic promotion in 2007 of what became the LisbonTreaty (to replace the proposed ‘European Constitution’, defeated by referenda in France and the Netherlands) was a more recent instance of the significant role played by the Federal Republic in matters European.
The status of the German Democratic Republic in relation to the EC had always been a special one. The Federal Republic, because of its claim concerning
the EU, seeking reform
without provoking conflict in Brussels or in his own party. It helped that, for the first
time in 30 years, EU treaty change was not on the horizon, but the Conservatives
would have to work within the LisbonTreaty framework which they had opposed.
However, hopes of a low-key period in UK–EU relations were dashed as soon as
Cameron entered office by the escalation of the Eurozone sovereign debt crisis. The
UK government accepted that Eurozone states should pursue further economic
integration in order to rescue the euro, but it would not
various circumstances and institutional configurations. In
many regards, the EU is not capable of pursuing a coherent and coordinated policy. There are too many diverging interests within the Union,
and the negative effect on actorness of the EU’s complicated and even
inefficient institutional machinery should not be underestimated. There
is widespread belief that the LisbonTreaty will help to improve the situation, for example through the abandonment of the pillar structure, the
changes to the Council Presidency as well as the establishment of the
governance processes in cases where the political fallout from domestic groups’ objections could jeopardize consensual EU level politics or national political stability (Kleine 2013 ).
The LisbonTreaty agreement for ‘permanent structured cooperation’, moreover, permits the greatest variability in the defense and security policy arena and ‘enhanced cooperation’ in all others. ‘Permanent structured cooperation’ enables any number of EU member states to agree to deeper integration of their military capabilities and engagement in joint military operations subject, of
thereby the likelihood of any such new Treaty is as yet an unanswerable question. The question of how to allocate the departing UK's seventy-three EP seats certainly re-ignited discussion over pan-European party lists; however, the idea remained controversial precisely because of its transfer of power from member states to TNPs (de la Baume, 2017 ).
That said, the LisbonTreaty does indicate the likelihood of further legislative spill-over effects that may continue to strengthen TNPs indirectly. One such direction is the European Citizens
’, in which its political editor, George Pascoe-Watson, judged that: ‘The new European Constitution threatens to transform virtually every aspect of British life for ever’ – none of it for the better. The accompanying image of EU flags fluttering over the Palace of Westminster, the seat of Parliament, graphically illustrated his contention that ‘Brussels is relentlessly bolstering its control over Britain and the rest of Europe’. Any such European entanglement would detract from Britain’s parliamentary and judicial sovereignty because power under the LisbonTreaty
This chapter discusses CFSP
activities in Bosnia from 2002 to 2011, a period of profound
transformation, not only for Bosnia, but also for the EU with the entry
into force of the LisbonTreaty in 2009. During this time, the main goal
of the EU’s strategy in the country was to move from post-conflict
stabilisation to the integration of Bosnia into the Euro-Atlantic
structures (EU and NATO). Although