include the #MeToo movement, mass demonstrations by women against Donald Trump and the growth of an international women’s strike movement. These developments seem to offer grounds for optimism to those who hope feminism will move in a more radical, collective and socialist direction. Other developments, however, seem more negative or double-edged.
In particular, although feminism’s association with a long list of glamorous celebrities has made it relatively easy for young western women to identify themselves as feminists and it can encourage them to engage with
, united in their pursuit of
justice and order.6 This, we might be tempted to think, is what we might find
were we able consistently to look beneath the elaborately carved memorial
stones left behind by the Cheshire gentry as monuments to their virtue and
good government. Of course, even at the height of the current moral panic
occasioned by the Me-Too movement, there is no reason to think that what
happened to Knowsley was in any way typical, or even commonplace, but
what such worked-up case studies do is lay bare the power dynamics in
operation beneath or behind what
behaviour which led to the expenses scandal, for example, was generated in part by the unspoken collective belief among MPs that normal rules about claiming expenses did not apply to them. The ‘Pestminster’ #MeToo scandal was enabled by the resistance of some MPs to normal HR procedures. Allegations of bullying and harassment could not be dealt with as they would have been in any other workplace due to ‘a culture, cascading from the top down, of deference, subservience, acquiescence and silence’.
Most recently, the
supports it. Any reduction in poverty would disproportionately benefit women; the poorest groups of women, who include many trans and migrant women, would benefit most.
Most strands of socialist theory and practice involve some kind of collective thinking that goes beyond individuals and their families to look at shared social needs and class interests; this often involves an emphasis on comradeship and working-class unity. Feminists too are thinking collectively whenever they identify gendered inequalities in power and economic rewards or, as in the #MeToo movement
figure in discussions of rape culture, feminism, the #MeToo movement, women's broader relationships with media, and the relations between gender representations and women's position in society.
Another approach to GoT has been to consider the series as a form of quality television alongside series such as The Sopranos , The Wire , Breaking Bad , and Mad Men , part of a ‘Golden Age of Television’ (see Schlutz, 2016 ; see also Jancovich and Lyons, 2003 ; McCabe and Akass, 2007 ; Leverette et al ., 2008 ; Akass
correct for capitalism’s worst inequalities rather than seek the abolition of private property. Marxism, by contrast, has at its center of vision the replacement of capitalism with common ownership of the means of production. Nevertheless, the renewal of socialist politics—coinciding with Black Lives Matter, immigrant rights organizing, increasing strike activity, climate justice campaigning, the feminist #MeToo movement, and myriad other forms of ferment from below—has been accompanied by a renaissance of interest in Marxist analysis. The socialist commentary supplied
Harlots and televising the realities of eighteenth-century English prostitution
Brig Kristin and Clark Emily J.
more frequently in televised period pieces in the #MeToo era.
Take, for example, a typical healing encounter that is
reproduced for the screen in Harlots , taking the viewer into what
would have been an intimate process of healing that so often went
unrecorded. After Mary Cooper has been taken into the Covent Garden brothel
and given care, Charlotte Wells goes to visit her. ‘Mary, remember
me?’ Charlotte asks when she sees
relation to bullying and harassment in the House of Commons. Historically, allegations against MPs were dealt with via informal, internal processes. Any sanctions – which were rare – were dealt with privately by the party whips who had little incentive to discipline their members, much less to do so in public. Attempts in the 2010s to introduce formal processes – including a so-called ‘Respect’ policy – disintegrated on first contact with MPs’ exceptionalism, facilitated by the subservience of the House's administration. Until the #MeToo wave broke on Westminster in the
Russia's Secret Archives (New York, 1996).
83 Stephen Kotkin, Stalin. Vol. 1: Paradoxes of Power, 1878–1928 (London, 2014), 8.
84 Masha Gessen, ‘Al Franken's Resignation and the Selective Force of #METOO’, New Yorker (7 December 2017) https://www.newyorker.com/news/our-columnists/al-franken-resignation-and-the-selective-force-of-metoo (accessed 19 March 2018).
85 Trotsky, Stalin , 85.
86 Trotsky, Stalin , 85, 86.
87 Montefiore's judgement on his academic colleagues in his sex-and-crime version of the history of the tsars
press coverage, both in terms of
shaken confidence and reduced chances of job offers. Nevertheless, many
actresses were glad of any opportunity to practise their chosen profession.
The nature of trying to break into a competitive market had other
implications for women. In the light of the Weinstein scandal and the
#MeToo campaign in the twenty-first century we cannot ignore the
likelihood that many actresses were similarly subjected to versions of the
casting couch in the nineteenth.79 After outlining multiple instances of
unwanted molestation, Davis argues: ‘Sexual