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and social media particularly served as platforms for grassroots politics to flourish and challenge the ‘old’ media establishment (Law, 2015). However, as stressed in many parts of this book, no political debate on any platform takes place in a vacuum and there is significant interpenetration of discourses in different parts of the public sphere. Thus much of what was talked about on mainstream ‘old’ media was also the topic of conversation on social media, as seen in chapter 3. Digital media however operate in different ways from mainstream news organisations. The
and that require attention here. These themes include, as far as the particulars of the contemporary nationalist project are concerned: the role of social media and, contingently, the more febrile politics of what is now called the ‘alt-right’; the twinning of such alt-right reflexes with an explicitly chauvinistic politics of male resentment; and perhaps most importantly, the much wider global dimensions of how strongman authoritarian nationalism has been rehabilitated as the political force of our times. This notion of nationalism constituting a decidedly global
The development of social media sites, such as Facebook (founded 2004) and Twitter (founded 2006), has changed humanitarian non-governmental organisations’ (NGOs) media practices and subsequently altered the ways that supporters and publics are engaged. 1 This chapter focuses on a recent movement for NGOs to humour humanitarianism to achieve visibility on social networks
feature of the game (Peters & Leshner, 2013). Examples of advergames There are many hundreds of online games linked to brands. Advergames can be accessed via companies’ own websites, on social media sites, and as downloadable content or applications for mobile phones and other portable technologies. Some companies produce their own games, while many sub-contract out the creative aspect of game production to specialist agencies. These agencies sometimes produce games that are accessed via the brand owners’ websites or play host themselves to these games. Games are made
Even before he became prime minister in 2014, Narendra Modi attracted a large set of passionate followers who staunchly believed that concerted attempts had been made by the ruling party of the time to silence him. His political journey, therefore, became a template of struggle against establishment. In aligning with him and fighting social media battles on his behalf, people felt they too were doing their bit. Modi's passionate following only increased in the run-up to the 2019 general election. This passionate support was
’s User Not Found (2018). While Karen engages the participant through a standard app, User Not Found takes place in an actual café (that fulfils the role of stage and audience) and is narrated by an actor. Both the actor and participants share the same screen through mobile phones with a custom interface developed for the performance and provided by Dante or Die to each participant. It unfolds as a critique and reflection on our social media legacy, which uses social media as its main media form to relay the narrative. Karen and User Not Found demonstrate
aspect of drag further by deliberately dressing as the stereotype of post-unification East Germans (Ziesche, 2018). As Ziesche (2018: 889) highlights, ‘these costumes also resemble and imitate the looks of people in the 1990s, arguably the most violent years in Dynamo’s history. Thus, the appearance could also be used to reinforce the fan scene’s violent image.’ Greater connectivity across the globe is helping expand these cultural cues. Social media, blogs, fanzines, films and other forms of media help present and re-present significant aspects of ultras culture
data-intensive methods, infrastructures and tools – cloud computing services such as Google Compute, data analytic and visualisation tools such as R, Python and IPython notebooks, large data stores such as BigQuery, streaming data from social media platform APIs (Application Programmer Interfaces), predictive models, especially in the form of machinelearning classifiers (support vector machines, Naive Bayes classifiers, random forests) – in making sense of what happens on Github en masse. Somewhat recursively (although I don’t want to make too much of this recursion
Memes and parody accounts are examples of ‘ritualised social media practices’ that are frequently used to provide irreverent commentary on contentious political issues and hybrid media events ( Highfield, 2016b ). Hashtags such as #flegs hosted public expression about the flag protests that was more often than not irreverent rather than malicious. Much of this activity revolved around parody accounts, with self-styled ‘sitcom’ Loyalists Against Democracy (LAD) emerging as one of the most prominent critics of the protest movement. 1 There was a team of ‘LAD
We live a world that is saturated with sex. Imagery of sexual intercourse, sexuality and women’s objectification can be readily accessed through advertisements, television series, online chat rooms and online pornographic sites. Sexual imagery in cyberspace rarely deals with erotica, women’s sexual desire and consent. We also live in a world that is saturated with sexual violence against women, often graphically depicted in digital spaces, television series, social media, and normalised in pornography