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Abstract only
Daniel Stevens and Nick Vaughan-Williams

from terrorism in the wake of 9/11, it has been of single salient threats rather than security threats writ large (Davis and Silver, 2004 ; Huddy et al., 2002 ). It would also be fair to say that research into political psychology and political behaviour tends not to focus directly on how individuals articulate threats as a source for understanding, preferring to draw inferences about understanding from

in Everyday security threats
Abstract only
Reproducing the discourse
Richard Jackson

So FAR I HAVE EXAMINED the primary narratives at the heart of the ‘war on terrorism’ – the way in which language constructs the events of September 11, 2001, and the way it creates identities, threats and the counter-terrorist war. In this sense, I have been examining the constituent parts that taken together make up the whole. In order to take the analysis to the

in Writing the war on terrorism
Charlotte Wagnsson

kind of alliance, which US Secretary of Defense Donald Rumsfeld called ‘Old Europe’. Russia had taken its stand against a military intervention in Iraq long before it became an issue for international debate. Even during the immediate aftermath of 11 September 2001, it was clear that Russia’s support for the US struggle against terrorism was neither limitless nor unreserved. Three weeks after the attacks on

in Security in a greater Europe
Daniel Stevens and Nick Vaughan-Williams

Introduction As governments – particularly, though not exclusively in the global North – responded to what they commonly framed as a ‘new threat’ from terrorism after 9/11 (Croft and Moore, 2010 ; Thrall and Cramer, 2009 ), they felt compelled in turn to outline the security strategies that this shift and other perceived threats in the post-Cold War world

in Everyday security threats
Bringing lessons from the past
Laura Fernández de Mosteyrín

Introduction In recent decades, Western states have overdeveloped counter-terrorist structures. Policy debates on counter-terrorism (CT hereafter) are based on problem solving, anticipation and orthodox epistemologies. As programmes for countering violent extremism (CVE) globalise ( Kundnani, 2015 ), much of what is being done across countries reproduces a policy paradigm – a set of ideas and worldviews that become hegemonic to underpin political interventions ( Hall, 1993 ). While this paradigm offers a clear-cut diagnosis of problems and solutions, it also

in Encountering extremism
Richard Jackson

There is little doubt that terrorism is now considered the greatest danger to western security since the threat of superpower confrontation at the height of the cold war. In May 2003 the G 8 Summit affirmed that terrorism remains a ‘pervasive and global threat’ (Pfaff 2003 ); more recently Eliza Manningham-Buller, the Director-General of MI5 stated that a

in Writing the war on terrorism
George Joffé

continued to experience low-level ‘residual terrorism’, 2 and, in the context of the post-2011 North African world, has seen this violent residuum meld with the generalized extremist chaos that has erupted throughout the Sahara and the Sahel. Violent extremism in Algeria, however, cannot be considered in isolation from the political system there, for both are linked in a dialectic of mutual engagement in that the instruments by which the state seeks to combat extremism have moulded it and have been influenced by it in turn. This chapter, therefore, after having provided

in Non-Western responses to terrorism
Imogen Richards

from terrorism’ ( Tyler 1992 ). Resembling the tone and message of the 1992 document, a 1997 think-tank report written by members of the neo-conservative Project for a New American Century (PNAC) was a further policy directive for pursuing US political and economic hegemony. The authors were academics, advisors, and commercial magnates, including the future Bush administration Secretary of Defense Donald Rumsfeld, US publishing executive Steve Forbes, and future vice president under Bush, then CEO of US oil conglomerate Halliburton, Dick Cheney. The report outlines

in Neoliberalism and neo-jihadism
Abstract only
Imogen Richards

the examples of neo-jihadist propaganda and finance demonstrate, in their quest for power through violent acts of terrorism AQ and IS in many ways, in fact, extend beyond the limits of resistance. The limits of these organisations’ resistance efforts are particularly apparent in their course towards the attainment of power, wherein they inflict financial and physical exploitation, generating neo-jihadism’s own resistance opposition. One noteworthy case not accounted for in this book are efforts on the part of the People’s Protection Units (YPG), Women’s Protection

in Neoliberalism and neo-jihadism
Meeting the challenge of internal security
Emil Kirchner and James Sperling

‘securitisation’ of societal vulnerabilities has been matched by a relative ‘desecuritisation’ of the state’s traditional security role; viz., the defence of national territory from external attack. 1 Changes in technology, the consolidation and spread of transnational criminal organisations, and Muslim terrorism have accelerated this securitisation process. The fear of Muslim

in EU security governance