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Historicising the gothic corporeal

The body is a potential marker of monstrosity, identifying those who do not fit into the body politic. Irregularity and the grotesque have been associated with Gothic architecture and are also indicative of wayward flesh and its deformities. Through an investigation of the body and its oppression by the church, the medical profession and the state, this book reveals the actual horrors lying beneath fictional horror in settings as diverse as the monastic community, slave plantation, operating theatre, Jewish ghetto and battlefield trench. Original readings of canonical Gothic literary and film texts include The Castle of Otranto, The Monk, Frankenstein, Dracula and Nosferatu. This collection of fictionalised dangerous bodies will be traced back to the effects of the English Reformation, Spanish Inquisition, French Revolution, Caribbean slavery, Victorian medical malpractice, European anti-Semitism and finally warfare, ranging from the Crimean up to the Vietnam War. Dangerous Bodies demonstrates how the Gothic corpus is haunted by a tangible sense of corporeality, often at its most visceral. Chapters set out to vocalise specific body parts such as skin, genitals, the nose and eyes, as well as blood. The endangered or dangerous body lies at the centre of the clash between victim and persecutor and has generated tales of terror and narratives of horror, which function to either salve, purge or dangerously perpetuate such oppositions. This ground-breaking book will be of interest to academics and students of Gothic studies, gender and film studies and especially to readers interested in the relationship between history and literature.

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The children of the Vietnam War
Sabine Lee

4 Bui Doi: the children of the Vietnam War If many of the emotional challenges facing children born of the Second World War were a result of them being part of a hidden population,1 the situation was often the exact opposite for children born of later conflicts. The parentage of children fathered by US soldiers during the Vietnam War, for instance, visibly set them apart from children of Vietnamese parents and thus exposed them to adversities as a result of openly being associated with the enemy. The situation of children born of American GIs in Asia was almost

in Children born of war in the twentieth century
Political differences yield to economic rivalry
James W. Peterson

Both America and Russia, for different reasons, decided to undertake a policy pivot towards Asia. For President Obama, such a pivot may have represented a needed change from preoccupation with tough issues in the Middle East, Iraq, and Afghanistan. President Putin may have looked East in an effort to get away from constant preoccupation with issues related to Crimea and the eastern edge of Europe. The Asian-Pacific Economic Community (APEC) offered a common forum of communication for both wth other Asian states. However, both powers had different historical reasons for pursuing the overture to Asian states. For the United States, a major defense agreement with South Korea was a result of the Korean War of the 1950s, while its long engagement in the Vietnam War of the 1960s and 70s provided it with additional historical experiences in the region. Russia concerned itself with intensified trade relations and also defined the region to include Central Asian states that had formerly been republics in the Soviet Union. U.S. troops had been a presence in the region for decades, and the multi-state controversy over Chinese actions in the South China Sea also bore in part a defensive component.

in Russian-American relations in the post-Cold War world
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The racial successes, failures, and impact of the Obama presidency
Andra Gillespie

Chapter 2 provides a general overview of Obama’s performance, presented with respect to race and the state of black-white racial inequality in America on a number of key indicators. It analyses the President’s political philosophy on addressing racial inequality and injustice. It argues that he takes a ‘deracialised’ approach to race issues, but embraces policies that are likely to be of disproportional benefit to African Americans because of the social and economic disadvantages they experience in American society. For example, the Affordable Care Act, or ‘Obamacare’ is of particular significance for African Americans and Latinos because they constitute 20 million and 30 million of the 60 million Americans without health care respectively. It examines if this was also the case with measures to address the concerns of Veterans, given that in terms of their proportion of the total U.S. population African Americans were more likely than their white counterparts to be drafted during the Vietnam War and to serve on the frontline.

in Race and the Obama Administration
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Richard Taylor

Russell was a world-famous philosopher and this chapter begins with a discussion of the connections between his academic work and his lifelong political radicalism. He was an aristocrat and an elitist; but he was also a democratic socialist and a liberal internationalist. He championed women’s rights, libertarian approaches to sexual relations and to education, and the causes of peace and disarmament. Throughout a long life, he was extraordinarily active in political and social movements, as well as contributing significantly to his specialist academic field, and writing more accessible and popular philosophical and anti-religious books, articles and pamphlets. He was especially prominent in his later decades in the anti-nuclear peace movement – first as President of CND and later as the founder and leading proponent of the civil disobedience movement, the Committee of 100. He was active subsequently in a variety of campaigns – opposition to the Vietnam War, for example – and he was still involved with left-wing protest at the time of his death, aged 97.

in English radicalism in the twentieth century
The rise of the Troops Out Movement
Aly Renwick

upsurge of student and worker revolts in general and the struggle for black civil rights in America in particular. In Britain there were student radicalism, industrial unrest and many protests against the American war in Vietnam. It was a connection to the Vietnam War that led me to take a part in these events. In 1960, at sixteen years of age, I had joined the British Army as a boy soldier. After three years at an Army Apprentice School, I had served with the Royal Engineers in West Germany and then for short periods in Cyprus and Kenya. In 1966 I was serving with 34

in The Northern Ireland Troubles in Britain
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American horror comics as Cold War commentary and critique

Printing Terror places horror comics of the mid-twentieth century in dialogue with the anxieties of their age. It rejects the narrative of horror comics as inherently and necessarily subversive and explores, instead, the ways in which these texts manifest white male fears over America’s changing sociological landscape. It examines two eras: the pre-CCA period of the 1940s and 1950s, and the post-CCA era to 1975. The authors examine each of these periods through the lenses of war, gender, and race, demonstrating that horror comics are centred upon white male victimhood and the monstrosity of the gendered and/or racialised other. It is of interest to scholars of horror, comics studies, and American history. It is suitably accessible to be used in undergraduate classes.

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Chris Beasley and Heather Brook

late 1990s), and ‘Conglomerate Hollywood’ (early 2000s to the present day). We see, alongside each of these periods, related shifts in the war film genre. Golden Age post-war patriotism declines, in the 1960s, with ‘New Hollywood’ challenges to patriotic obedience associated with the Vietnam War, and this mood continues until the early 1980s. These changes were followed by the growth of an ambivalent or disguised rehabilitation of patriotism in the latter part of the New Hollywood epoch associated with Reaganite responses 68 Security to the Cold War. Since the

in The cultural politics of contemporary Hollywood film
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Author: David Whyte

This book explains the direct link between the structure of the corporation and its limitless capacity for ecological destruction. It argues that we need to find the most effective means of ending the corporation’s death grip over us. The corporation is a problem, not merely because it devours natural resources, pollutes and accelerates the carbon economy. As this book argues, the constitutional structure of the corporation eradicates the possibility that we can put the protection of the planet before profit. A fight to get rid of the corporations that have brought us to this point may seem an impossible task at the moment, but it is necessary for our survival. It is hardly radical to suggest that if something is killing us, we should over-power it and make it stop. We need to kill the corporation before it kills us.

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‘Shared experiences and meanings’
Carol Acton and Jane Potter

experiences of one war overlap and merge with those from another, so that they can be said to be in dialogue. This dialogue allows what Stanton et al. call ‘shared experiences and meanings’1 across time and culture. When we set the medical personnel accounts discussed throughout this book side by side, in the same way that Stanton et  al. bring together nursing experiences from the Vietnam War with the wars in Iraq and Afghanistan, we can move beyond the traditional historical treatment of each war experience as separate. In Angel Walk, similarly, collecting experiences of

in Working in a world of hurt