Search results

You are looking at 51 - 60 of 430 items for :

  • "illiberalism" x
  • Refine by access: All content x
Clear All
Thomas Prosser

no average difference in knowledge between the groups. 38 More broadly, national populism has spiked in almost all Western countries; these contexts are diverse and many lack illiberal tabloid presses. This suggests that the worldview has a function. Appreciation of national-populist values helps us understand this function. The work of psychologist Jonathan Haidt, which identifies five moral foundations (care, fairness, loyalty, authority and sanctity), shows the importance of loyalty and authority to national populists. 39 Though liberals and left

in What’s in it for me?
The case of the South Caucasus
Kevork Oskanian and Derek Averre

this research programme was more directly policy-relevant: if democracy engenders peace, would democratisation result in a more peaceful world? Two groups of scholars confronted each other around this question. Both groups held that the dyadic form of DPT had been sufficiently confirmed by the evidence. They diverged, however, in their acceptance of a correlational or causal link between democratisation and pacification. This implied a disaggregation of the DPT into immature and mature (or, for Zakaria (1997, 2007), illiberal and liberal) democracies. While agreeing

in The European Union and its eastern neighbourhood
Steffen Mau

welcome will be a key goal. It goes without saying that this will also rely on the assistance of private actors as well as transit countries and countries of origin. A state’s sovereign control, which up to now was located at its own borders, is thereby not given up but instead combined with other actors and subject to changing framework conditions. Governmental forms of control are arising that encompass many different actors, including private actors—from the airlines to the data-brokerage companies. Liberal states and their interest in illiberal borders In the

in The shifting border
Alan Johnson

-authoritarian Marxism But Geras was no mere celebrant of classical Marxism. He tracked down to their theoretical lairs a series of disabling anti-democratic and illiberal tendencies that lurked within Marxism itself and undermined the principle of self-emancipation: among them, an elitist conception of the relation between party and class, a tendency to insouciance about ‘bourgeois’ democratic rights, a failure to properly think through the ethics of revolutionary violence and a dogmatic rejection of the very idea of a biological human nature. In each case, Geras tried to separate

in The Norman Geras Reader
Abstract only
Donald Trump, neoliberalism and political reconfiguration
Edward Ashbee

least, new parties have emerged and parties once associated with the fringes and promising much more illiberal forms of democracy have become institutionalised. As a 2016 report surveying both right- and left-wing European populism and published by Timbro, the Swedish free market think-tank, caught the scale of the change: Today, populist parties are represented in the governments of nine European countries and act as parliamentary support in another two. Hence, one third of the governments of Europe are constituted by or dependent on populist parties … taken

in The Trump revolt
Abstract only
Islamophobia and the struggle against white supremacy
Omar Khan

-nationalist “illiberal democracy” explicitly reject values such as equality and rights; they found their voice – and support in some governments – during the refugee crisis. The inability to agree on a European-wide settlement scheme for Syrian refugees, and Britain’s unwillingness to offer sanctuary, exposed the limits of cooperation and humanitarianism, especially when tainted by Islamophobic views about Muslims specifically. White nationalists focus on Muslims not just because they hold elaborate, long-standing views about Muslims as a “demographic threat”, but because they know

in Global white nationalism
Edwin Bacon, Bettina Renz, and Julian Cooper

’ (for example, delegative democracy, incomplete democracy, electoral democracy, illiberal democracy, and so on).7 In the period 2000–05, the Putin presidency has been engaged in a process of ‘state strengthening’, or centralisation, whereby the control of the Kremlin over many aspects of life has apparently been increased. The regions are now overseen both by presidential plenipotentiaries and heads of executives who owe their positions to presidential appointment. The national broadcasting media are under the control of the state, either directly or through state

in Securitising Russia
Bill Dunn

. Germany was not far behind (Maddison 2003 ). At the outbreak of war, Germany’s military spending was already more than 20 per cent greater than Britain’s (Russett 1985 ). These competitors were also succeeding through more openly illiberal means. Germany had abandoned its brief experiment with free trade in the 1870s. The US never made such an experiment. By the early years of the twentieth century, mass socialist parties were well established in several European countries. Such changes still lay ahead from the world of privilege and prejudice into which Keynes was

in Keynes and Marx
A biopolitical critique
Julian Reid

provision of peace. And they are reluctant to recognise any link between their own wilful attempts to secure the conditions for the expansion of liberal accounts of human life globally in the name of peace, the recurrence of war, and the newfound capacities among liberal regimes for the destruction of life technologically. The fact especially, that in spite of the apparent pacific qualities of liberal societies, relations between liberal and illiberal societies have been and continue to be defined by war, has done little to deter the essential faith of liberals in their

in The biopolitics of the war on terror
Abstract only
State terrorism, deceptive organisation and proxy
Emmanuel-Pierre Guittet

the name of national security and the fight against terrorism. The early admitted crude and overtly violent Spanish attempt at illiberal practices intended to shore up a still shaky new liberal State would arguably be eschewed by most liberal States today even if it is not unreasonable to suppose that most if not all intelligence services deploy similar borderline or entirely illegal practices. Covert operations have become a fundamental, arguably banal feature of foreign policy. The use of military force not only against so-called terrorists but

in Counter-terror by proxy