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Bill Dunn

General Theory ’s achievement as more modest. Lawlor ( 2006 ) sees it as formalising more adequately what might already have been derived from Marshall. For Dow, ‘Keynes’s approach was to demonstrate the minimum changes to orthodox assumptions which would generate a result of persistent unemployment which would not be eradicated by market forces’ (Dow 1996 : 63). Keynes accomplishes this demonstration of unemployment equilibrium, according to Dowd, by deviating from the neo-classicals ‘with respect to only one assumption: that savings are a function of the rate of

in Keynes and Marx
Torben Krings
Elaine Moriarty
James Wickham
Alicja Bobek
, and
Justyna Salamońska

its multinational character; the experience of working in ethnically segmented workplaces was largely confined to the construction sector. Generally, group relations were described as rather good. However, since the onset of the recession, some group tensions became visible in construction that has experienced a dramatic rise in unemployment. While job losses have been more modest in other sectors, working conditions have deteriorated in the context of the crisis. Although migrants have been disproportionally affected by rising unemployment, a return to the status

in New mobilities in Europe
Kent Fedorowich

free passage was granted merely on the basis of services rendered. Its inauguration must also be seen in the light of the United Kingdom’s wartime anxieties, its turbulent domestic political scene after 1918 and the Imperial government’s attempts to grapple with the complex problems of demobilisation, veterans’ discontent, ‘ industrial regeneration and chronic unemployment

in Emigrants and empire
Abstract only
Hugh Cunningham

, and no unemployment’.3 More surprising perhaps, Winston Churchill as prime minister in 1953 was hoping that if he could negotiate global peace ‘we might be able to give to the working man what he has never had – leisure. A four-day week and then three days’ fun.’4 If these hopes for less work haven’t been fulfilled, the reason lies in the removal of controls over the capitalist labour market. Looking over the twentieth century, Gary Cross has argued that workers, mistakenly, shifted their goals away from more time away from work – a movement reaching its high point

in Time, work and leisure
Abstract only
Liene Ozoliņa

of controlling construction projects, shifting the blame back to their political rivals. I met Viktorija at a state-funded rehabilitation centre in the resort town of Jūrmala, half an hour away by train from Riga. A professional psychologist, she was part of the team mobilised to treat the survivors of the collapse. It was over a year after we had last met and since I had participated in her seminars at the unemployment office. I had arranged an interview with her on this follow-up fieldwork trip to talk more about the way she saw her role as a trainer. As I had

in Politics of waiting
Abstract only
Economic change and class structure
Jim Smyth
Andreas Cebulla

. Massive state investment, particularly in housing, went some way to correct the imbalance between the north and other regions of the United Kingdom, and the expansion in public-sector employment helped alleviate the traditionally high levels of unemployment within the nationalist community. Economic development in the post-conflict years In the 1990s the Northern Ireland economy experienced what appeared to be a fundamental turn-round in fortunes. After decades as the ailing economy of the United Kingdom the region’s fate appeared to change. Employment expanded and, for

in Northern Ireland after the troubles
Abstract only
Philip Ollerenshaw

MUP FINAL PROOF – <STAGE>, 07/29/2013, SPi Conclusion By the end of the Second World War in August 1945, the Northern Ireland war economy had been losing momentum for more than a year. The region’s major industries, textiles and clothing, shipbuilding, engineering and aircraft manufacture, all faced serious problems in the post-war period. While the British economy experienced very high levels of employment after 1945, unemployment in Northern Ireland, which was generally much higher for men than for women, remained above the British average for decades. Even

in Northern Ireland in the Second World War
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‘Tears of laughter': comedy-drama in 1990s British cinema
Nigel Mather

investigate the ways in which humour is deployed for dramatic and emotional effect in the context of scenarios dealing with such seemingly non-comic subjects as mass unemployment, failed or uneasy relationships, bitter family disputes, or instances of racial tension and conflict in British society. I will seek to demonstrate that the interaction of comic and dramatic modes of narration within the films discussed proved to be a

in Tears of laughter
Philip Ollerenshaw

workforce were women), shipbuilding and engineering, centred on Belfast. The region suffered substantial structural and cyclical unemployment in the interwar period, and by July 1938 unemployment stood at 29.1 per cent of the insured industrial labour force, the highest figure since the creation of Northern Ireland in 1921.11 By British standards, the region was relatively poor: in 1938, per capita income was about 55 per cent of the British level, though the region would close the gap to some extent during the war to reach 67 per cent by 1945.12 A population of c. 1

in Northern Ireland in the Second World War
Open Access (free)
La gauche de la gauche
Jim Wolfreys

Laguiller, and the Ligue Communiste Révolutionnaire’s Olivier Besancenot, achieved in 2002 a combined score approaching three million. The growing influence of la gauche de la gauche was accompanied by the mushrooming of various militant groups and associations campaigning against racism, unemployment, homelessness and homophobia, boosted from the turn of the century by an emerging anti-capitalist movement spearheaded by individuals like the sociologist Pierre Bourdieu and the anti-globalisation campaigner José Bové, and by groups like the Attac association against

in The French party system