13, there existed a real possibility that, with or without the
pope’s blessing, Spain or France or EnglishCatholic exiles in cahoots with
their co-religionists at home might back an alternative candidate: in 1593, for
example, a Catholic plot was hatched in Flanders to assassinate Elizabeth and
raise Derby to the throne; and throughout the 1590s English spies warned
of conspiracies to seize Arbella and marry her to a foreign Catholic prince.
At the same time (as will be seen in Paulina Kewes’s Chapter 3), many godly
Protestants in England were suspicious about
Education, migration and Catholicism in early modern Europe
heretical universities of Oxford and Cambridge, while awaiting a
change of fortune at home.19 Eamon Duffy, by contrast, points to evidence for
the intended missionary function of the college from the start, with the English
college envisaged more as a Collegium Germanicum for the west.20 In any event,
Douai quickly became central to the EnglishCatholic mission, though financing
the college was a constant challenge and the ongoing conflict in Flanders forced
it to move to Reims in 1578 before returning to Douai in 1593.21
These earliest examples underline the basic point
Ben Jonson’s admiration for Southwell’s ‘burning Babe’
Pope had declared
Elizabeth excommunicate six years earlier, and given EnglishCatholics
permission to consider her overthrow. 13 It therefore might be expected that those
hoping for preferment at Court would be more than usually anxious to
dissemble any family Catholicism. Despite this, and despite even the
fact that his father was at that moment in Marshalsea prison accused of
speaking against the
EnglishCatholic Church lacked the funds to develop the requisite
number of Catholic educational institutions, which meant that the Catholic
18 H. Byerley Thomson, The Choice of a Profession: A Concise Account and
Comparative Review of the English Professions (London: Chapman and Hall,
1857), pp. 1–2.
19 Holcombe, 1973, p. 19.
20 On 29 September 1850, Pope Pius IX re-established the EnglishCatholic
hierarchy, the canonical form of church government which included a hierarchy
of bishops and archbishops who had episcopal authority over clergy and laity.
See Chapter 1
Again, the existing owners of estates could change confessional position. While George
Touchet, earl of Castlehaven, may have seemed a safe pair of hands
when he was granted his Ulster estates, after his death in 1616 his heir
flirted with Catholicism and his brother was a committed Catholic. The
third earl was likewise a committed Catholic, returning from a military
career in Europe to fight for the Confederated Catholics in the 1640s. In
addition, as the land market developed in the years after the plantation
both EnglishCatholics and Old EnglishCatholics from the
divergence of EnglishCatholics’ antisemitism from that of their German coreligionists was
more visible among the general Catholic public. The differences lay
not so much in the anti-Jewish images themselves, but in the emphasis that was placed on each stereotype, and the overall organisation of
antisemitic prejudices. As a result, the nature of Catholic antisemitism
in Germany was more secular, more nationalist and more systematic.
Essentially, the antisemitism of German Catholics resembled more a
modern ideology both in content and in its systematic formulation.
currently changing, but the process will be slow.
Nuns are new players in a field which is not yet used to taking them
into account, as testified by Gabriel Glickman’s omission of English
convents in his otherwise thorough study of EnglishCatholic life
and Jacobite support.6
Aside from considerations about institutions and communities,
beyond prescribed codes of conduct and affiliations, the archives of
the English Benedictines also yield a veritable treasure of information about the lives of
C. Lutkehaus, eds, Gendered Missions: Women
and Men in Missionary Discourse and Practice (Ann Arbor, Michigan:
University of Michigan Press, 1999).
15 Rhonda A. Semple, Missionary Women: Gender, Professionalism and the
Victorian Idea of Christian Mission (Suffolk: Boydell & Brewer, 2003), p. 2.
This text, like so many others in its genre, is based on Protestant missionary
efforts. Historiography on nineteenth-century EnglishCatholic women involved
in overseas missionary work is sparse. The references to overseas missionary
work by women religious tend to be
did not have a
vast pool of local benefactors, since they were mostly unknown to
the indigenous populations and did not speak the same language
– although some did become proficient French or Dutch speakers.
The convents’ main supporters were EnglishCatholics, either
in exile themselves or back in England. Even a summary breakdown of the various sources of income reveals the great vulnerability of such resources. In Paris, for instance, a large proportion of
the nuns’ money (4,664 livres tournois) came from England in the
form of gifts from recusant patrons; a
judged in the wider
context of later medieval European Catholicism(s) as a whole. To what
extent, then, did the burgeoning European devotional cultures of the
later middle ages influence and shape practical Catholicism in Ireland?
Did Catholics in Ireland regard themselves as part of a larger Catholic
culture and, if so, how did this identity reconcile itself with assertions
of distinctiveness? Furthermore, how different was one’s identity as an
Anglo-Irish Catholic in the fifteenth century Pale from that of an EnglishCatholic visitor, or indeed from the ‘mere Irish