Search results
; serving both as a royal justice and Bishop of London. His Dialogue of the Exchequer (c.1180), explains the performance and routine of royal justice at the exchequer with explicit reference to the scriptural foundations of that justice. 24 It is not only Richard FitzNigel whose biography suggests at least a familiarity with moral arguments about justice. Eustace de Fauconberg (1170–1228), educated in either Paris or Bologna, served as a judge both at Westminster and on eyre, and followed a similar path to FitzNigel, as both treasurer of the exchequer and Bishop of
The CEA and the government 2 The Cinematograph Exhibitors’ Association and the government A lthough the letters MoI are often, and understandably, used as the starting point when examining the relationship between the cinema and the state in Britain during the Second World War, the MoI was not the only government department to have a direct and intrusive influence on British cinemas.1 The Ministries of Labour, Food, Supply and Home Security, as well as the Board of Trade and the Exchequer, were closely involved in the regulation of British cinema exhibition
-based surveys and anecdotal evidence from retailers came in February 2009, when the Office of the Revenue Commissioners and the Central Statistics Office published a report entitled The Implications of Cross Border Shopping for the Irish Exchequer. The report highlighted the ‘significant difficulties associated with quantifying the extent of cross border shopping and estimating
embark upon negotiations in an atmosphere of free collective bargaining’. We became involved in our current strike solely because of our defence of the Government’s pay guidelines and for no other reason. The strike is now in its seventh week with grievous consequences to the Company because we are determined to reach a responsible settlement.27 On 12 September Denis Healey, Chancellor of the Exchequer, had met Beckett and Bob Ramsay of Ford to discuss the pay claim and made clear that ‘discretionary action’ would be taken by the government if Ford breached the pay
campaigning. The Exchequer loans By the 1790s, merchants had granted enormous levels of credit to the planters and traders in the Caribbean islands. There was a bubble of confidence surrounding these large-scale investments that was burst spectacularly by the convulsions occasioned by the outbreak of war with revolutionary France. The insurrections in the Windward Islands, as
Officers of Ireland (published 1960);40 second, James Ferguson (d. 1855), whose notes taken mainly from the records of the Irish exchequer can be consulted in the Irish National Archives and the Royal Irish Academy.41 Another important source was the various lists of the civil and military establishment that can be found scattered through the Irish state papers and other manuscript collections.42 When brought together, these materials provide a solid foundation for any study of the central government in early Stuart Ireland, recording the names of hundreds of offices and
and conduct directly to the parishes, ‘which I thinke will come unlooked for because they have not beene used to have money come back againe’.82 The money was repaid to a representative of the county, who requested a warrant from the council which he could present at the Exchequer.83 On other occasions, the council delegated repayment to a treasurer-at-war, or officials such as the Mayor of Chester (for troops heading to Ireland), the collector of a privy seal loan, or even the captain designated to lead the troops.84 In most cases, coat and conduct was repaid
peace terms.5 Bute’s opponents naturally assumed that he intended to be Premier for as long as possible, and conducted the political battle accordingly. When he did resign many thought he had been forced out of office. Chap 4 19/8/02 11:43 am Page 67 The Bute ministry (1762–1763) 67 The formation of Bute’s ministry was protracted because he refused to take the Treasury unless he had a competent Chancellor of the Exchequer, for the incumbent Lord Barrington evidently would not do. Bute’s first choice was Commons Leader George Grenville, who refused that onerous
greater revenue could be generated in Ireland to fund a government which was always a drain on Whitehall’s coffers. First and foremost this concentrated on devel- • conclusion • 221 oping novel systems of taxation such as the scheme of ‘composition’ devised by Edmund Tremayne, which was eventually resolved upon in the 1570s. However, there were many other measures, great and small, proposed by treatise writers throughout the century to improve the crown’s revenue in Ireland, whether by reforming the exchequer office and rooting out corruption in Dublin
decline 67 had fought against the taxation of the tote in April 1947 when the issue was first raised by Hugh Dalton, the Chancellor of the Exchequer, who suggested that to ‘tax the Totes and the Pools alone would be unjust and let the Bookmakers go free would be wrong. It would be repudiated by all right-thinking men and women’.28 At that point Dalton decided that no such tax would be introduced but later, on 12 November 1947, announced a 10 per cent Pool Betting Duty on the tote fund to be applied from 4 January 1948. Dalton exempted the track bookies from taxation