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Managing an AI future
James Johnson

Assembly resolutions on the topic. Specifically, the UN expressed general concern that emerging technologies (especially cyber) might be used for nefarious purposes, “inconsistent with the objectives of maintaining international stability and security,” and the body proposed an expert panel to consider “possible cooperative measures to address them, including norms, rules, or principles” of states. 50 In 2015, the expert panel articulated a set of core norms to “prevent the proliferation of malicious information

in Artificial intelligence and the future of warfare
Norman Geras

important consideration of justice than the ‘relative’ rule against ex post facto law required punishment of those who had committed acts that were ‘morally most objectionable’. Hans Kelsen, ‘Will the Judgement in the Nuremberg Trial Constitute a Precedent in International Law?’, International Law Quarterly 1 (1947), 153–71, at pp. 161–2, 164–5. 20 01 Crimes Against Humanity 001-031 3/12/10 10:10 Page 21 ORIGINS AND DEVELOPMENT years to solidify their status as norms of international law. The General Assembly resolution directed that the principles recognized in

in Crimes against humanity
Ireland and the decolonisation of Africa
Kevin O’Sullivan

guide the African continent along a similar path. Although it proved more difficult to implement in practice, the Irish assessment was not unfounded. The year 1960, the ‘year of Africa’, became a turning point in the history of the UN’s involvement in colonial issues. General Assembly resolution 1514, the ‘Declaration on the Granting of Independence to Colonial Countries and Peoples’, passed in December of that year, acted as its focal point. The document’s emphasis on ending colonialism and colonial structures helped to redefine the playing field for discussion of these

in Ireland, Africa and the end of empire
The birth of the Irish Anti-Apartheid Movement
Kevin O’Sullivan

early 1960s an estimated five thousand to fifteen thousand (7 per cent of the white population) identified themselves as ‘Irish-Rhodesians’.5 Yet the continued existence of these ties could not disguise the underlying Irish distaste for the regimes’ denial of African rights. In 1956 Liam Cosgrave instructed the Irish delegation to vote in favour of a (mild) UN General Assembly resolution reprimanding South Africa for its apartheid system and another which called on that country’s government to report on its treatment of its population of Indian origin. Cosgrave

in Ireland, Africa and the end of empire
Nigel D. White

. 4.339. 66 Report of the Secretary-General Pursuant to General Assembly Resolution 53/35 ‘The Fall of Srebrenica’, UN Doc A/54/549 (1999) paras 501–3. 67 Articles 20–6 ARIO 2011; following Articles 20–6 ARS 2001. 68 Articles 28–31 ARIO 2011; following Articles 28–31 ARS 2001. 69 Articles 34–9 ARIO 2011; following Articles 34–9 ARS 2001. 70 Articles 41–2 ARIO 2011; following Articles 40–1 ARS 2001. 71 Articles 43–9 ARIO 2011; following Articles 42–8 ARS 2001. 72 Articles 51–6 ARIO 2011; following Articles 49–54 ARS 2001. 73 J. Wouters

in The law of international organisations (third edition)
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Arms, energy and ideology
Robert Mason

provision in the Middle East and without any vested interests in the conflict, Saudi Arabia and the UAE initially appeared unwilling to accept the US position on Russia. The UAE, along with China and India, abstained in the first UN Security Council vote on 25 February 2022 aimed at denouncing the Russian invasion, but backed a similar UN General Assembly resolution on 2 March. NATO–Russia tensions over the 2022 war in Ukraine initially made it less likely that Russia would push Iran to support a new JCPOA with the US, and Russia sought assurances that US sanctions would

in Saudi Arabia and the United Arab Emirates
Patrick Thornberry

massive violations of human rights could trigger a right of external self-determination – an opinion often associated with exegesis of General Assembly resolution 2625(XXV).62 The paragraph also incorporates a view on internal self-determination, linking it with the right of participation; it is also clear that in the absence of grave human rights denials, internal self-determination is the ‘normal’ manner of exercising the right. Pityana interprets the case to mean that The Commission clearly pronounced that autonomy, as a variant of selfdetermination, could be

in Indigenous peoples and human rights
In particular Article 30
Patrick Thornberry

-four articles in total; the substantive provisions are set out in Articles 1 to 41.6 The text contains a mix of general human rights and humanitarian law principles which are adapted to the special circumstances of children such as freedom of expression,7 freedom of thought, conscience and religion,8 and the right to education,9 and new rights including as those relating to fostering and adoption10 and rights to protection from sexual and other exploitation.11 The Guidelines for periodic 1 Adopted by General Assembly resolution 1386(XIV), 20 November 1959. Adopted without a

in Indigenous peoples and human rights
The 1980 Moscow boycott through contemporary Asian–African perspectives
Joseph Eaton

of the American diplomatic effort becomes more complicated as understandings of the meaning of boycott were reinterpreted to suit local perspectives. The Olympic boycott – at the nexus of international sport and diplomacy – was the most visible manifestation of opposition to the Soviet Union. In early 1980, the reaction of non-aligned nations to the Soviet invasion had been immediate and nearly united. A United Nations General Assembly resolution condemning the Soviet invasion was approved on 14 January by a vote of 104 to 18 (with 18 abstentions).2 The Washington

in Sport and diplomacy
Antal Berkes

general Assembly resolution 2758 (XXVI) of 25 October 1971 and should therefore not have been included’. 59 Thus, in case of recorded objections, the International Law Commission prefers to follow the opinion of States and not to include the conduct of de facto regimes as relevant practice in its reports as it did in the final outcome on unilateral declarations of States. 60 It is not without importance that the International Law Association, in its first report on ‘Non-State Actors’, while reiterating its former conclusion that acts of non-State actors ‘do not

in International organisations, non-State actors, and the formation of customary international law