Search results
early 1960s an estimated five thousand to fifteen thousand (7 per cent of the white population) identified themselves as ‘Irish-Rhodesians’.5 Yet the continued existence of these ties could not disguise the underlying Irish distaste for the regimes’ denial of African rights. In 1956 Liam Cosgrave instructed the Irish delegation to vote in favour of a (mild) UN General Assembly resolution reprimanding South Africa for its apartheid system and another which called on that country’s government to report on its treatment of its population of Indian origin. Cosgrave
of the American diplomatic effort becomes more complicated as understandings of the meaning of boycott were reinterpreted to suit local perspectives. The Olympic boycott – at the nexus of international sport and diplomacy – was the most visible manifestation of opposition to the Soviet Union. In early 1980, the reaction of non-aligned nations to the Soviet invasion had been immediate and nearly united. A United Nations General Assembly resolution condemning the Soviet invasion was approved on 14 January by a vote of 104 to 18 (with 18 abstentions).2 The Washington
. 4.339. 66 Report of the Secretary-General Pursuant to General Assembly Resolution 53/35 ‘The Fall of Srebrenica’, UN Doc A/54/549 (1999) paras 501–3. 67 Articles 20–6 ARIO 2011; following Articles 20–6 ARS 2001. 68 Articles 28–31 ARIO 2011; following Articles 28–31 ARS 2001. 69 Articles 34–9 ARIO 2011; following Articles 34–9 ARS 2001. 70 Articles 41–2 ARIO 2011; following Articles 40–1 ARS 2001. 71 Articles 43–9 ARIO 2011; following Articles 42–8 ARS 2001. 72 Articles 51–6 ARIO 2011; following Articles 49–54 ARS 2001. 73 J. Wouters
Russian veto through the adoption of a UN General Assembly resolution based on the precedent of the ‘Uniting for Peace’ resolution. 3 However, in general, legal debates remain rather rare, and when they are portrayed, they do not deter an action in the name of the UN Charter. Self-defence in response to a terrorist attack: ‘It’s like being invaded … we have to fight back’ A first example in which this debate is evoked is the cinematographic account of the Israeli operation in Entebbe in 1976. In Raid on Entebbe , 4 the Israeli Cabinet meets to assess the
general Assembly resolution 2758 (XXVI) of 25 October 1971 and should therefore not have been included’. 59 Thus, in case of recorded objections, the International Law Commission prefers to follow the opinion of States and not to include the conduct of de facto regimes as relevant practice in its reports as it did in the final outcome on unilateral declarations of States. 60 It is not without importance that the International Law Association, in its first report on ‘Non-State Actors’, while reiterating its former conclusion that acts of non-State actors ‘do not
provision in the Middle East and without any vested interests in the conflict, Saudi Arabia and the UAE initially appeared unwilling to accept the US position on Russia. The UAE, along with China and India, abstained in the first UN Security Council vote on 25 February 2022 aimed at denouncing the Russian invasion, but backed a similar UN General Assembly resolution on 2 March. NATO–Russia tensions over the 2022 war in Ukraine initially made it less likely that Russia would push Iran to support a new JCPOA with the US, and Russia sought assurances that US sanctions would
massive violations of human rights could trigger a right of external self-determination – an opinion often associated with exegesis of General Assembly resolution 2625(XXV).62 The paragraph also incorporates a view on internal self-determination, linking it with the right of participation; it is also clear that in the absence of grave human rights denials, internal self-determination is the ‘normal’ manner of exercising the right. Pityana interprets the case to mean that The Commission clearly pronounced that autonomy, as a variant of selfdetermination, could be
-four articles in total; the substantive provisions are set out in Articles 1 to 41.6 The text contains a mix of general human rights and humanitarian law principles which are adapted to the special circumstances of children such as freedom of expression,7 freedom of thought, conscience and religion,8 and the right to education,9 and new rights including as those relating to fostering and adoption10 and rights to protection from sexual and other exploitation.11 The Guidelines for periodic 1 Adopted by General Assembly resolution 1386(XIV), 20 November 1959. Adopted without a
that the inclusion of Europe and the EU serves a practical reason for Palestinian students: competence in European affairs is perceived as relevant for better career opportunities, and not only for those who aspire to work in the nascent Palestinian Ministry of Foreign Affairs or the much older diplomatic work of the PLO. Interest in Palestine’s foreign and human rights policies has been reinvigorated following the 2012 UN General Assembly resolution 67/19 recognising Palestine as a non-member observer state, and
the Charter was written, and since then have become entrenched in UN work norms and international rhetoric. They are supported by a series of General Assembly resolutions, such as the Declaration on the Right of Peoples to Peace from 1984 and the Declaration of the International Year of Peace from 1985.19 Historian Akira Iriye views these objectives as an additional stage in the development of the vision of a global community of nations with a unique ‘international culture’, with common economic, social, humanitarian, ethical and intellectual values. According to